1*71
■
N ,01
' o . x * ,0V
0 \V
\'
NOTICES OF FLORIDA
yO\ * AND
BY M. 31. COHEN,
(an officer of the left wing.)
"All may have, if they dare try, A glorious life or grave."
CHARLESTON, S. C. BURGES & HONOUR, 18 BROAD-STREET ,
NEW-YORK: B. B. HUSSEY, 378 PEARL-STREET.
1836.
ENTERED according to Act of Congress, in the year 1836. by & Ham*, and M. M. Cohen, fa, the Clerk's Office of the Distnct Court of South-Carolina.
DEDICATION.
TO
JOHN L. WILSON, Esq,
(Ex-Governor of South- Carolina,)
OS A HUMBLE TRIBUTE TO HIS DISTINGUISHED PUBLIC SERVICES. AND EMINENT WORTH AS A LEGISLATOR AND JURIST, THIS LITTLE BOOK IS DEDICATED BY, VERY RESPECTFULLY,
THE AUTHOR,
;
(j^T A few days after my arrival in Charleston from Florida, (which was on the 18th of last month), a proposal was made me for a work on that country, and the recent campaign therein. To this I acceded, and commenced lit- erary labours almost in the spirit with which I had entered upon military operations, namely, a wild wish for adven- ture, and a humble hope to be useful! All my written mate- riel consisted in a few notes (mainly in pencil) which I had taken, sometimes on horseback, and at others, supine on the earth. At one moment I would write, reclining against a tree, my desk being a cartridge-box or knapsack, borrowed from one of the soldiers under my command: at the next, I was scribbling under my rain-beaten tent, my pine torch flaring in the wind, and my table a saddle, which served my triple purposes as a rider, a writer, and a sleeper: sometimes not writing for a week, at others, a week's writing lost on the road, or wadded into a rifle, or wet with water higher than my saddle bags. These hints were intended, not for publication in a book, but merely as the basis of a contribu- tion to Hhe South-Carolina Society for the Advancement of learning," or as hints towards a paper to be read before "the Literary and Philosophical Society of Charleston." My notes, therefore, were on themes connected with Topogra- ph v, Philolocrv. Geology, Zoology, and other ologies, which are the portions of the volume that (together with additions and corrections of the Map) have cost me most time and trouble. 'Twas only a few days before publishing, that I discovered I would have to omit (fortunately for the readers.
6
«0! fortunatos nimium, sua si bona norint") all, or nearly all, I had worked out on these dull, vet difficult topics : for we found that the "Historic Sketches," and the account of the Campaign, would occupy as many pages as we had pro- posed to print.
It will be seen that our book has been put to press in less than thirty days from its being undertaken, and composed du- ring frequent interruptions by varied and pressing affairs • for I had been called to Columbia in November bv legist tive duties, as a Representative of the good people of Charles, ton. (I like to be civil when speaking of my constituents, es. pecially as the period of re-election is approaching.) \t the seat of our State Government, I remained till late in December, and crossed over, as is my wont, to eat mv Christ mas turkey and drink my New. Year's draught with the charming society of Augusta. A few days after my return from Georgia, I embarked for Florida, and thus I have been absent some six or seven months from my law office, and all the other offices which home imposes. It will readily b* con ceded then, as vraisemUable , that I had many avocations from literary pursuits on my arrival. And beside business, the warm-hearted hospitality of Charleston, to a returned son of hers, is apt to unfit him (especially after dinner) for any composition except the composing himself to sleep \n'd this the more, if he be just from an Indian campaign, and exchanges gopher for turtle, crocodile for drum-steaks (of drumhead I had in the army quantum suf. parched corn for plum pudding, and pond-water for port-wine!
All the foregoing is by way of apology for the manifold and manifest imperfections of the work, obvious even to the purblind partiality of an author for Ins own book For I flatter not myself that I am freer from the pride of paternitv man other parents, and fancy I shall be as much -.ratified
7
as they, if folks call my rickety bantling — "fine," "stout," "really pretty," and "very like the father!" I hope, at least, that the reader will take my excuse for what it is worth — though I don't know that it is worth much. He may say, that Minerva sprang ready-armed from the brain of Jupi- ter— yet this is a vastly different affair : for we do not read that any book ever sprang ready- written from Minerva's brain. And even if it were the same thing, or any book had been so born, yet there are other differences between that lady and myself, beside sex, (as must, by this time, be evident to the reader.) Or he may ask, if I had not time to carve or chisel a grace, why I did not snatch one ; and remind me that the Cartoons of Rafaelle, by their thought, composition, expression and drawing, are as immortal as the exquisitely finished elaborations of Corregio, with the divine colouring and morbidezza of his flesh, his angelic grace, and joyous airs of his figures and c/azr-obscure. The remark may be very true, but 'tis not' a case in point, seeing that I am neither Rafaelle or Corregio, but only, their ar- dent admirer, and the public's obedient servant,
M. M. COHEN.
June 20th, 1836.
N. B. — The above is my Preface ; I'd have told you so before, but fancied you'd find it out at last, and feared, had you discovered it at first, you would pretermit the perusal thereof, (prefaces being dull to a proverb) and thus have lost the knowledge of many interesting and instructive facts, such as where I eat my mince-pies, &c. Oh! what a dear delightful valve for letting off egotism is a Preface! Yet the reader hath this solace — that by how much the more I "prate of my whereabouts" here, by so much the less shall I play the egotist elsewhere.
INTRODUCTION.
Qesar begins his celebrated Commentaries with the pas- sage so familiar to the reader, that "all Gaul is divided into three parts;" and we might, as truly, commence our historic notices by declaring, that all Florida is divided into four parts, Eastern, Middle, Western and Southern. But as, on the one hand, we lay claim to no such soldiership as Cae- sar's (modest fellow that we are!) so, on the other, we can- not pretend to the stilted dignity which the Commentaries contain. We scarce could find a title humble enough to ex- press our estimate of our unpretending little book, and our chapter on Bridges shall contain no such bug-bear to fu- ture school boys as Caesar's was to us. Fair reader! (all readers of one's own book are fair) if you have read our Preface (which we greatly doubt, and do not strongly ad- vise) you will deem it difficult for us to be serious enough for History. "To prove the contrary," let the following "be submitted to a candid world." (We like, you see, to compare little things to great.)
CHAPTER I.
HISTORIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA.
[Its Discovery— Exploration — interior penetrated by De Soto — its first Co- lony— its occupation by different powers of Europe — Revolution — Gen. Jackson and Captain Laval in 1814 — Col. Clinch in 1816 — Cession by Spain to U.S. — Gen. Jackson and its succeeding Governors — present condition of its Government — Religious Denominations — Judiciary- Newspapers — Education — Population — Banks.]
Florida was discovered in 1497, by Sebastian Cabot, un- der the English flag.
1U iHISTOKIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA. [cH. 1.
Discovery and Exploration— Ponce de Leon.
Cabot, though the son of a Venetian, wa« born at Bristol. He was engaged, with his father, by Henry VII. for the discovery of a north, west passage to India, and after touch- ing at Prima Vista and St.' John's Island, they sailed as far as Cape Florida before their return home. Succeeding voy- ages completed the discoveries thus began, a settlement was made on the coast of Newfoundland, and Sebastian, by be- mg the first among Europeans who touched the new conti- nent, established a claim to give his name to those unknown regions as well as Americas Vespucius, or Columbus him- self. Tho' Cabot was the discoverer of Florida, he did not explore the country.
Ponce de Leon, a Spanish adventurer, was led bv the fic- tions of a Carib girl a few years after, to explore the country in search of a fountain famed for renovating old age. (He was not the first, nor will he be the last old gentleman to be led up and down a bootless dance by the fascinations of the fair.) Theodore Irving (on whom the elegant mantle of his uncle has fallen, and by whom it is so gracefully worn) observes, in his finished style, that those who are conver- sant with the history of the Spanish discoveries will remem- ber the chimerical cruise of the brave old Governor of Porto Rico. Ponce de Leon, in search of the fountain ofvouth. This fabled fountain, according to Indian tradition, existed in one of the Bahama Islands. Ponce de Leon sought after it in vain, b ut in the course of his cruisings discovered a coun- try of vast and unknown extent, to which, from the abun- dance cf flowers, and from its being first seen on Palm Sun- day (Pasche Florida) he gave the name of Florida.
Obtaining permission from the Spanish government to subjugate and govern this country, he made a second voy- age to its shores, but was mortally wounded in a conflict with the natives. Such was the fate of the first adventurer into the wild regions of Florida, and he really seems to have bequeathed his ill fortune to ins successors. A few years after his defeat, a captain of a carnavaL named Diego Mu- richo, was driven to the coast of Florida by stress of wea-. ther, where he had obtained a small quantity of silver and gold in traffic from the natives. With this he returned, well pleased to San Domingo, spreading the fame of the coun-
OH. 1.] HISTORIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA. 11
Discovery and Exploration— Pamphila de Narvaes.
try be had visited. About the same time a company of seven wealthy men of San Domingo concerned in gold mines, at th^ head of which was Licentiate Lucus Vasques de Aylloa, auditor and judge of appeals of that Island, fitted out two vessels to cruise among the islands to entrap In- dians to work in the mines. In the course of this righteous cruise the vessels were driven by stress of v> either to a cape on the east coast, to which they gave the name of St. Helena. The country in the neighbourhood was called Chicorea, and is the same now called South Carolina. Here they anchored at the mouth of a river which they called the Jordan, after the name of the sea captain, who discovered it. It is the same now known by its Indian appellation, the Cambahee.
[We follow the general opinion, strengthened by the cir- cumstance that the neigh bouring Sound and Island are still called by the name of St. Helena. Herrera places Cape St. Helena and the river Jordan in the thirty second degree of latiiude, which is that of Savannah river, vide Herrera, D. V. 1 Lib x/c.6.]
The natives hastened to the shores at sight of the ships, which they mistook for huge sea-monsters; but when they beheld men issue from them, with white complexions and beards, and clad in raiment and shining armors, they fled in terror. The poor Indians were kind and hospitable, brought provisions to tne ship, and made the strangers presents^of martin skins, pearls, and a small quantity of gold and silver. The Spaniards gave them trinkets in return, and having com- pleted their supplies of wood and water, and provisions, in- vited their savage friends on board of the ships. The In- dians eagerly accepted the invitation.
^ Florida was visited a few years after by Pamphila de Narvaes — who was born at Valladolid, and" came early to America which was then just discovered — sailed in 1528 with 400 men intending to establish a colony in Florida, dis- covered the bay of Pensacola, and having marched into the country was never heard of more. Mr. Williams however states that he landed without opposition in Appalachee bay: and suffered himself to be decoyed into the heart of the coun- try in search of gold. On a sudden he found himself en-
12
HISTORIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA.
CH. 1.]
Discovery and Exploration — Hernando de Soto.
compassed by hostile enemies, who making a desperate at- tack, soon routed his forces with great slaughter. De Nar- vaez died flighting, few of the Spaniards made good their retreat to the vessels, and those were reduced to the neces- sity of eating their companions, for want of other food.- His progress and cruelty were however traced by subse- quent adventurers, especially by Ferdinand de Soto, who in 1539 disembarked an army in Spirito Santo Bay.
The talented writer to whom I have before alluded, (T. Irving,) observes that never was the spirit of wild adven- ture more universally diffused than at the dawn of the six- teenth century. Of all the enterprises undertaken in this spirit of daring adventure, none has surpassed for hardi- hood and variety of incident, that of the renowned Hernan- do de Soto and his band of cavaliers. It was poetry put in action; it was the knight errantry of the old world carried into the depths of the American wilderness; indeed the per- sonal adventures, the feats of individual prowess, the pic- turesque descriptions of steel clad cavaliers, with lance and helm and prancing steed, glittering through the wilderness of Florida, Georgia, and the prairies of the far west, would seem to us mere fictions of romance, did they not come to us recorded in matter of fact narratives of contemporaries, and corroborated by minute and daily memoranda of eye witnesses.
Hernando de Soto was of the old Spanish hidalguia. or gentry, for we we are assured by one of his biographers that "he was a gentleman by all four descents:'' that is to say, the parents both of his father and mother were of gen- tle blood; a pedigree which, according to the rules of Span- ish heraldry, entitled him to admission into the noble order of Santiago, Whatever might be the dignity of his descent, however, he began bis career a mere soldier of fortune. All his estate, says his Portuguese historian, was but a sword and buckler. He accompanied Pedrarias Davila. when he went to America to assume the command of Terra Firma. The merits of De Soto soon gained him command of a troop of horse: with these he followed Pizarro in his con- querring expedition into Peru. Here he soon signalized himself by a rare combination of prudence and valor, he
CH. 1.] HISTORIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA.
13
De Soto's interview with Atahualpa, and return to Spain.
was excellent in council, yet foremost in every perilous ex- ploit, not recklessly seeking danger for danger's sake, or thro' a vain thirst for notoriety, but bravely putting every thing at hazard where any important point was to be gained by intrepidity. He was sent by Pizarro on the first embas- sy to the renowned and ill fated Inca Atahualpa, whose subjects, we are told, were filled with surprise and admira- tion on beholding his wonderful feats of horsemanship. He afterwards commanded one of the squadrons of horse that captured this unfortunate Inca and routed his army of war- riors.
Her rera, (Hist. Ind. Decad. v. 1. 3. c. 10,) says Her- nanda de Soto sprang upon his horse, and aware that the eyes of the Inca were upon him, he made his steed caracole, and striking in his spurs, dashed up so near to the savage prince, that he felt the very breath of the snorting animal. The haughty Inca was as serene and unmoved as if he had been accustomed all his life to the charge of a horse. Many of the Indians, however, fled in terror. Atahualpa imme- diately ordered the fugitives to appear before him, and sternly reprehending them with their cowardice, ordered them all to be put to death for having behaved so dastardly in his royal presence.
Hernando de Soto returned to Spain enriched by the spoils of the new world; his shares of the treasures of Ata- hualpa, having amounted, it is said, to the enormous sum of a hundred and eighty thousand crowns of gold. He now assumed great state and equipage, f and appeared at the court of the Emperor Charles V. at Valladolid, in magnifi- cent style, having his steward, his major domo, his master of the horse, his pages, lacqueys, and all the other household officers that in those ostentatious days, swelled the retinue of a Spanish nobleman. He was accompanied by a knot of brave cavaliers, all evidently bent on pushing their for- tunes at court. Some of them had been his brothers in arms in the conquest of Peru, and had returned with their purses well filled with Peruvian gold, which they expended in soldierlike style, on horses, arms, and "rich array." In the magnificent spirit of a Spanish cavalier, he asked per- mission of the Emperor to undertake the conquest of Flo- 2
14 HISTORIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA. [cH. 1.
De Soto sails from Havana, and lands at Tampa Bay.
rida at his own expense and risk. This prayer was readily granted. The Emperor conferred on him in advance, the title of Adelantado, which combines military and civil com- mand, and a Marquesite, with an estate thirty leagues in length and fifteen in breadth, in any part of the country he might discover. He moreover created him Governor and Captain General for life of Florida, as well as of the Island of Cuba.
On the 12th May, 1539, Hernando de Soto sailed from Havana, on his great enterprise. His squadron consist- ed of eight large vessels, a caravel and two brigantines, all freighted with ample means of conquest and colonization. In addition to the forces brought from Spain, he had been joined by many volunteers and recruits in Cuba, (volunteer- ing being then, as now, the order of the day,) so that his ar- mament, besides the ships' crews, amounted to a thousand men, and there were three hundred and fifty horses. It was altogether the most splendid expedition that had yet set out for the new world. On Whitsunday, the twenty fifth day of May, they arrived at the mouth of a deep bay," to which in honor of the day, De Soto gave the name of Espiritu San- to, which it still retains in some measure, and on some maps, altho' it is only spoken of by our fellow- campaigners as Tampa Bay, its more modern and frequent appellation.
A boat was sent on shore to procure grass for the horses. The sailors brought off also, a quantity of green grapes, re- sembling those of Spain, which had been found growing wild in the woods. They were of a kind different from any that the Spaniards had seen, either in Mexico or Peru, and they regarded them with exultation as proofs of a fruitful and pleasant country.
At length, on the last day of the month, a detachment of three hundred soldiers were landed, and took formal posses- sion of the country, in the name of Charles V. Not a single Indian was to be seen, and the troops remained all night on shore, in a state of careless security. Towards the dawn of day, however, an immense number of savages broke sud- denly upon them with deafening yells; several of the Span- iards were wounded with arrows, and many were seized with panic.
CH. 1.]
HISTORIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA.
15
Marches through the interior — dies — succeeded by Moscoso.
De Soto marched through the interior, warred against by the Indians, and himself and many of his troop wasted by difficulty and disease, and. after turning his steps towards the Mississippi, died at the end of three years, near the mouth of the Red River. Mr. Irving, whom I have already cited, remarks, that thus died Hernando de Soto; one of the boldest, and the bravest of the many brave leaders who fig- ured in the first discoveries, and distinguished themselves in the wild warfare of the Western world. How proud and promising had been the commencement of his career! how humble and hapless its close! cut off in the very vigor and manhood of his days, for he was but forty-two years old when he expired; perishing in a strange and savage land, amid the din and tumult of a camp, and with merely a few rough soldiers to attend him; for nearly all were engaged in the preparations making for their escape in this perilous situation.
Of the Spaniards who survived him, we will only add, that, under Louis de Moseoso, whom de Soto had nomina- ted to succee i him in authority, they commenced their march to the westward — there received vague tidings of Euro- peans— wandered in a wilderness and found themselves in the hunting ground of the far West — commenced building brigantines and embarked on the Mississippi — continued the voyage down the river — -found themselves in the territo- ry of Mexico, and were joyfully received at the to wn of Pa- nuco. There the Corregidor took Moscoso into his house, as a guest; and his followers were quartered among the in- habitants, who were touched with pity at beholding this for- lorn remnant of the gallant armament that had created such a noise on its outset from Cuba, The survivors in fact were blackened, haggard, shrivelled and half naked — being clad only with the skies of deer, buffaloes, bears and other ani- mals, so that (says the Spanish historian) they looked more like wild beasts than human beings. They then proceeded to the city of Mexico where some accepted appointments under the viceroy for a future visit to Florida, but most of them shrun iiing a country where they had suffer-
ed such hardships, which reluctance prevails in 1838. Some returned to Soain; others entered into the Priesthood — a
lb HISTORIC SKFTCH OF FLORIDA. [cH. 1.
First Colony planted— St. Augustine built.
few remained in New Spain, but the greatest number went to seek their fortunes in Peru.
Mr. Williams, however, states that the Spaniards, with- out a leader, could not long sustain a warlike attitude; they retired to the coast of the Appalachee bay; where they, for some time, sustained themselves by hunting and fishing; at length they were, by necessity, reduced to manual la- bour. The country was fertile, self preservation obliged them to treat the natives with respect, and they, of course, became friendly. The impression made on them by Soto, paved the way for conciliatory feelings: success and pros- perity were the consequence; the Spanish population soon spread over the fine country betwixt the Oclockney and Su- wannee rivers; and by intermarriages, and good example, they induced many of the natives to adopt the arts of civil- ized life. Wholly lost to, or neglected by the mother coun- try, they grew up in the wilderness of Florida, planted towns, extended highways, and built fortifications, whose ruins still cover the country. Becoming effiminate, they at length fell a prey to the Seminoles, Moscogees, and other northern tribes, perhaps one hundred and thirty years ago.
The first colony in Florida was planted by Ribaultr a Frenchman, in 1562, near the mouth of the river St. John, but these Protestants of France, who had fled from persecu- tions in Europe, were exterminated by Menendez in 1564. Dominique de Gorgues, in 1568, revenged the Protestants and hung the murderers on the same branches from which depended the bleached skeletons of his copatriots.
In 1565, St. Augustine was built, and is the oldest town on the continent of North America, except the Mexican set- tlements. Sir Francis Drake in 1586 pillaged the town, as did the Indians in 1611, and Capt. Davis, in the piratical spirit of the times, once more desolated the place. In the year 1702, Gov. Moore, of South-Carolina, as is stated by Dr. Ramsay, (one of the first and best of American Histo- rians) conducted an expedition against St. Augustine, the capital of Florida. This consisted of six hundred militia men, and an equal number of Indians. The enterprise be- ing without any proper naval support, was abandoned, on the appearance of a small Spanish marine force, in the
CH. 1.]
HISTORIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA.
17
Occupation by different powers — Gen. Oglethorpe's Expedition.
vicinity of St. Augustine. Though it was abortive, and of short duration, it cost the infant colony six thousand pounds sterling. From this period till the peace of Paris, 1763, the Spaniards planned sundry expeditions, for the re- covery of South Carolina and Georgia, both of which they claimed as belonging to Florida. These were thrice retort- ed against St. Augustine and Florida; but in every instance, and on both sides, proved abortive as to conquest, or settle- ment of boundary. They produced an immensity of indi- vidual distress, without any national benefit.
From Lawso&'s Voyage to Carolina, printed in the early part of the 18th century, the following is extracted.
"They have a well disciplined militia; their horse are most gentlemen, and well mounted, and the best in Ameri- ca, and may equalize any in other parts: their officers, both infantry and cavalry, generally appear in scarlet mountings, and as rich as in most regiments belonging to the crown, which shows the richness and grandeur of this colo- ny. They are a frontier, and prove such troublesome neighbours to the Spaniards, that they have once laid their town of St. Augustine in ashes, and drove away their cattle, besides many engagements, in which they have defeated them, too tedious to relate here."
It may not be uninteresting to the reader to be reminded that Lawson died by the hands of the savages, of whom he entertained a too favorable opinion, and who, in revenge for pretended injuries, roasted him alive, as is narrated in Catesby's Natural History.
In 1740, Gen. Oglethorpe, with a large force from Sa* vannah, was repulsed. Gen. O. (at once a hero, states- man, orator, the patron of letters, the chosen friend of Pe- terborough, Marlboro', Eugene and Argyie, and the theme of praise for Johnson, Pope and Thomson) found his plans of improvement for his colony of Georgia (one of which was the introduction of the Olive) frustrated by the alarm of Spanish and Indian wars. The benign legislator and magistrate, who had rivalled Penn in the arts of peace and in acts of mercy, then resumed at once the habits of his youth, and approved himself the hardy, daring and ad- venturous soldier. By his unwearied activity, and the ex-
18 HISTORIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA. [cH. 1.
Act of Assembly of South-Carolina in 1742.
ample of his personal courage, not less than by his military skill and enterprize, in the laborious Southern campaign of 1740 and 1742, he repelled the inroads of a far superior enemy, who threatened the subjugation of Georgia, and the devastation of the Carolinas.
In the month of June (1742) the new colony of Georgia was invaded by an armament from St. Augustine, com- manded by Don Manuel de Monteano, Governor of that fortress. It consisted of thirty -six ships, from which 4006 men were landed at St. Simons', and began their march to Frederica. Gen. Oglethorpe, with a handful of men, took such wise precautions for opposing their progress, and har- assing them; they met with such activity and resolution, that after two of their detachments had been defeated, they retired to their ships, and totally abandoned their enter . prise.*
On the 10th day of July, 1742, an Act of Assembly was passed in South-Carolina, "for the immediate relief of the Colony of Georgia, and for the defence of this Province." The preamble recites, that " Whereas a considerable body of Spanish troops are already actually landed in the Colony of Georgia, and a large fleet of Spanish ships and vessels are hovering upon these coasts, so that there is an absolute necessity, with all possible expedition, to fit out ships and raise a number of forces sufficient (with the divine assis- tance) to repel his Majesty's enemies, and to contribute the utmost of our power to the defence of the Colony of Geor- gia and this Province. And whereas, it is impracticable in the time of immediate danger, to levy a sufficient sum by taxes on the inhabitants, to answer the purposes aforesaid. And whereas, nothing but the apparent and inevitable ruin
* Smollet's England, reign of George 2d.
The history of this campaign, and that of the preceding one, is given in a much more detailed manner in M'Call's History of Georgia, and in Dr. Trumbull's History of the United States. For a very flattering and elo^ quent sketch of Gen. Oglethorpe, see a discourse before the N. Y Historic Society, by the polished and learned Mr. Verplanck, a chief of that ele- gant and enlightened literary coterie, which has accomplished more tow- ards conferring on New- York the enduring renown of being "the great city," than all her wealth, population, industry and enterprise, great as these undoubtedly are. Mr. Verplanck is but one of the many Roscoes of this American Liverpool .
cm l.]
HISTORIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA.
19
Si. Augustine Evacuated — Pensacola Founded.
with which these Colonies are immediately threatened, could have induced us to engage in measures which have met with his Majesty's approbation. We humbly hope for and implore his Majesty's royal favour and indulgence in this great exigency, and therefore pray his most sacred Majesty, that it may be enacted: And be it enacted by the Hon. William Bull, Esq., Lieutenant Governor and Com- mander-in-chief, in and over this Province, by and with the advice and consent of his Majesty's Honorable Council, and the Commons House of Assembly of this Province, and by the authority of the same." The act then proceeds to direct Commissioners hereinafter named, to procure two sets of orders to be stamped equal to the sum of £63,000 current money of the Province: these orders to be delivered to the public Treasurer, to be paid to the Commissary- Generalr Captains, and other officers employed in the ser- vice aforesaid. The act further directs muster rolls to be kept of the men to be employed in the service, and that the orders should be applied solely to defray the charges of the assistance intended to be given to the Colony of Georgia, and for the defence of this Province.*
St. Augustine was evacuated by the Spaniards in 1763, and the peace of Paris, of that year, gave the Floridas to Great Britain, and it greatly improved 'till 1784, when it again reverted to Spain. During its occupancy by the Spaniards, neglect and consequent decay attended it, and at the period of the cession to the United States, its appearance was ruinous and unprepossessing.
Pensacola was founded previous to 1696 ; was in that year taken from the French by Riola, and in 1699 Mon-
* See also the report of the committee of both Houses of Assembly of South-Carolina, on the disappointment of the expedition to St. Augustine, under the command of Gen. Oglethorpe, 1 vol. folio. Charleston, 1742. We regret that our limits do not permit us to extract from this and other articles, in connection with this volume; but our regret is greatly diminished by perceiving, as we do with pleasure, that B. R. Carroll, Esq. (the highly intelligent and able Editor of the Southern Agricul- turist) is preparing for publication an edition of rare and valua- ble works, embracing a full and authentic account of the early history of South-Carolina. Mr. Carroll intends prefacing the edition with an Intro- ductory Discourse from his own pen, embracing an exact account of the early Spanish, French, and English voyages to Florida. In such hands, such a work will be truly interesting.
20
HISTORIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA. [cH. L
Revolution— Col. Nichol's Expedition-
sieur D'Iberville failed in his attempt to retake it. In 1719, it was three times captured and recaptured, and at length retained by France, but in 1722. was restored to Spain. "
In consequence of the revolution which had broken out in the northern district of Florida, an Act of Congress was passed inthe year 1810, under which Gen. Mathewes was authorized by the Executive to proceed to the frontiers of Georgia, to accept possession of East Florida from the lo- cal authorities, or to take it against the attempt of a foreign power to occupy it; holding it, in either case, subject to fu- ture and friendly negociation. The government of St. Au- gustine becoming alarmed, appealed to the British Ministry at Washington, who expostulated with Mr. Monroe, then Secretary of State. Gen. Mathewes, taking possession of Amelia and other parts of East Florida, was officially blamed, and his commission revoked in 1812, and the Gov- ernor of Georgia was commissioned in his place, in conse- qnence of Gen. Mathewes having employed the troops* of the United States to dispossess the Spanish authority by force.
Thet revolution commenced in March, 1812, and spread desolation over the Province ; and on the 6th March, 1813, the assailants were withdrawn, and Fernandina restored to the Spanish authorities. In August of the same year, hos- tilities recommenced, and the insurgents captured and retain- ed the territory lying to the West and North of St. John's River.
In the month of August, 1814, Col. Nichols brought into the Bay of Pensacola, a British fleet, from which he manned the forts of Banrancas and St. Michael with troops, and hoisted the British flag. On the 31st, he published a ' pro- clamation, dated at Head Quarters, Pensacola, in which he calls on the people of Louisiana and Kentucky to join his standard, and release themselves from the slavish yoke of the United States. The Indians were abundantly furnished with arms and ammunition, and commissioned to butcher the defenceless inhabitants of the frontier States. Ten dol- lars a piece were offered for the scalps of men, women, or children.
On the 6th of November, General Jackson, with five
CH. 1.]
HISTORIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA.
21
Gen. Jackson storms forts St. Bernard and St. Michael.
thousand Tennessee militia, and a considerable Indian force, arrived in the neighbourhood of Pensacola, and sent Major Pierre with a flag, to inform Governor Marequez of the object of his visit. On approaching one of the fortifi- cations, the flag was fired on by the cannon of the fort, on which the Major returned. General Jackson, with the Ad- jutant General and a small escort, immediately reconnoi- tred the fort, and found it manned with British and Spanish soldiers. He returned, encamped for the night, and prepared to carry the town by storm. On the, morn- ing of the 7th, he marched with the regulars of the third, thirty-ninth, and forty-fourth infantry, part of General Coffee's brigade, the Mississippi dragoons, part of the West Tennessee regiment, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Hammond, and part of the Choctaws, commanded by Major Blue, of the thirty-ninth, and Major Kennedy, of the Missis- sippi troops.
Jackson had encamped on the north side of the town, on the Blakely road, which passed by the forts St. Bernard and St. Michael. The British naturally supposed, that the attack would be made from that quarter, and were prepared to rake the road with their batteries. To cherish this idea, a part of the mounted men were ordered to shew themselves in that direction, while the army marched past the rear of the forts, to the east of the town, undiscovered, 'till within a mile of the streets. They were now fully exposed to Fort St. Michael on the right, and seven armed vessels on the left ; several block houses and batteries of cannon defended the streets. They, however, marched into the town with perfect firmness, and with trifling loss. As the centre col- umn, composed of the regulars, entered, a battery of two cannon was opened on it, with ball and grape, and a show- er of musketry from the houses and fences. They had made but three fires, when the battery was stormed by Capt. Laval.*
*3Ir. Williams, in his excellent views of West Florida, says : "This promising officer was killed in the act of storming the battery." We state with great gratification, and we are quite sure Mr W . will learn with no less pleasure, that the gallant Laval is at this present writing, perfectly alive. He has this day told us so himself, and being a high and honorable gentleman, it would be cruel to doubt him. After having filled many m>
W HISTORIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA. [cH. 1.
Gen. Gaines and Col. Clinch in 1816.
The fire of the regulars soon silenced the musketry. The principal fortifications of the harbour being destroyed at Pensacola, Gen. Jackson evacuated the town, after holding possession only two davs.
The Spaniards immediately commenced rebuilding the fortifications at Barrancas, in 'which Nicholls proffered his assistance, but the Governor answered him. that when he needed any assistance, he would call on his friend Gen. Jackson. The whole conduct of the General, says Wil- liams, appears to have been satisfactory to the Spaniards. At parting, he notified them, if any injury had been done to private property, to draw on him for payment : no demands were made.
About the 1st of August. Col. Clinch received advice from Gen. Gaines, that he had ordered a supply of provisions, two eighteen pounders, a five inch howitzer, and a quantity of ordnance stores, to ascend the Apalachicola river to Camp Crawford; and in case any opposition should be made by the negro fort, he was instructed to reduce it. He im- mediately despatched Laforka. an Indian Chief, to the bav, for intelligence. He returned on the 15th, with news of the arrival of Lieutenant Eoomis in the bay, with two gun ves- sels, and two transports, laden with provisions, ordnance, stores, ccc. On the 17th. the Colonel ascended the river with one hundred and sixteen chosen men, in two compa- nies, the one commanded by Major Muhlenburg, and the other by Captain Taylor. On the same evening, he was joined by Major M'lnlosh, with one^hundred and fifty In- dians: and the next day, by Captain Isaacs and Mad Tyger. with a large body of Indians badly armed. The meeting was accicKutal : the Indians were on a long projected ex- pedition against the negroes, with an intention of resto. them to their owners. A council was held, and an agree- ment entered into respecting the campaign.' The Indians were ordered to keep parties in advance, "and secure every negro that could be found. The Indians demanded a sur-
portant appointments by the United States and this State, he is now Comp- troller General of South-Carolina: and we trust he will live to a green ofd age, to gladden his many friends with his presence, and to benefit his coun- try, as he has already often done, by his very valuable services
CH. 1.]
HISTORIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA.
23
Indian and Negro Disturbances.
render of the forts, but were treated with great contempt by the negroes, who hoisted a red flag, with the English jack over it. On the 26th, they arrived within four miles of the fort, and the Colonel (Clinch) went on board the gun boat 149. , After reconnoitering the river in company with the commander of the boat, he ordered Major Muhlenberg and Captain Taylor to cross over to the west side of the river with their companies, to erect a battery; while Lieutenant M. Garrick, with a party of men, and the main body of In- dians, were left to secure the rear. The battery was imme- diately commenced; the vessels were ordered up, and the transport Similante was directed to be in readiness to land the artillery under cover of the night. At 6 in the morn- ing, the two gun boats sailed up in handsome style, and made fast near the battery. In a few minutes after, they received a shot from a 32 pounder; it was immediately returned in a gallant manner. On the 5th discharge, a hot shot from gun boat No. 154, entered the magazine, and blew up the fort. The explosion was awful, and the scene horrible beyond description. The fort contained about one hundred men, and two hundred women and children : not more than one sixth part were saved. The cries of the wounded, and the yells of the Indians, rendered the confusion most dreadful.
The property taken and destroyed, amounted to two hundred thousand dollars. Three thousand stand of arms, and six hundred barrels of powder, were destroyed : one magazine, containing one hundred and sixty -three barrels of powder, was saved. The negro force had been rapidly increasing from runaways; their fields extended fifty miles up the river. The Choctaw Chief, and the negro comman* dant, named Garcon, were put to death by the Indians. On the 30th, the ordnance and stores were sent to Camp Crawford, in small boats. On the 1st of September, Col. Clinch received notice that a large Seminole force was de- scending the river to attack him. He immediately placed himself in a position to receive them, but they dispersed without making an attack, or even showing themselves.
The republic of Florida, as it was called, fell into a state of anarchy, and so remained till August, 1816. At that
24
HISTORIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA.
[CH. I.
Clarke and Bell's complimentary notices of the Floridians.
period, preparations were making on the Maine for a de- scent on Fernandina. Governor Coppinger, who had late- ly received the command of the province, authorized a plan of reconciliation and restoration to order, which plan was proposed by George I. F. Clarke, Esq., Surveyor General of East Florida, and Lieutenant Governor of the Northern district of that province, while under the dominion of Spain. Mr. Clarke tendered the people a distribution of all the ter- ritory lying between St. John's river and St. Mary's, into three districts, to be called Nassau, Upper and Lower St. Mary's. A Magistrate's Court, and a company of militia in each; elections of officers from the mass of the people of each, &c; and oblivion of the past.
These proposals were received with general satisfaction, and in a few hours, a territory, containing, as it is said, about one-half of the then population of East Florida, was brought to order.
I can readily conceive the indignation that must have fired the eye, flushed the cheek, and quivered on the lip, of the gentlemen of Florida, at the perusal of Gen. Scott's re- cent remarks in derogation of Floridian valour. And as an act of justice to the citizens of that territory, as well as in continuation of our historic sketch, we here cite the re- marks of Mr. Clarke, (to whom we heretofore referred) which stand out in bright contrast to those of Gen. Scott. "Where but in this meritorious division can it be said, that any part of, or the whole physical force, of three districts, have never failed to meet, at the earliest notice, and that cheerfully, to execute any orders given, armed, mounted, and victualled, each at his own expense, and without any pay? A people, 27 of whom sought for, gave battle to, and drove from the field above 100 of M'Gregor's men, in a body, commanded by Irvin, in sight of their own quarters, without losing one drop of blood."
Capt. Peter Bell, Secretary of the province in 1821, in a letter from St. Augustine, calls the Floridians a virtuous and industrious people, and adds, that "the time is not far distant, when, under the favoring influence of the American Constitution, the virtues of the ancient inhabitants and pro- prietors of Florida will be duly appreciated."
CH. 1.] HISTORIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA. 25
Cession of Florida to the U. S. — Gen. Jackson appointed Governor.
A treaty of amity, settlement, and limits, was at length concluded between his Catholic Majesty and the United States, by which the two Flpridas and the adjacent Islands were ceded to the latter. West Florida then extended ufestwardly to the Apalachicola river. The exchange of flags under this treaty, took place on the 17th of June, 1821, when Gen. Jackson was appointed Governor of the Flori- das, with very ample legislative, judicial, and executive powers.
Governor Jackson removed the dividing line between East and West Florida, from the Apalachicola to the Suwanee rrver, thus rendering them more equal in size, and esta- blished in each, courts with civil and criminal jurisdiction. Ac the same time, he published several ordinances for their direction in the distribution of public justice. We extract the following from a pamphlet, published by WT. Riley, Charleston, 1822; and attributed to my esteemed acquaint- ance, Col. James Gadsden, who is distinguished, not only for the possession of much valuable knowledge, but also by the kind alacrity wherewith he communicates it.
"On the reduction of the army in 1821, General Jackson was gratified with the opportunity of retiring from it; but the President again demanded his services in the capacity of Governor of Florida, then recently ceded to the United States. General Jackson accepted the appointment, with the understanding that he might retire as soon as the Gov- ernment was organized. Aware that he had a most ar- duous duty to perform; invested by an act of Congress, with all the powers of the Spanish Governor, and Captain Gene- ral of Cuba; he exercised his prerogatives in behalf of the best interests of the new acquired territor}^, and uniformly in protection of the rights of our adopted citizens. By the stipulations of the treaty, all papers relating to the sover- eignty, and the property of the Province, were to be deliv- ered up to the American authorities. Some of the most important, however, relating to property, were withheld (for what motives it is unimportant to inquire) by the former Governor, who, fortunately for the United States and her citizens, had not yet removed from the territory. On the knowledge of the facts, Governor Jackson demanded their 3
26 HISTOKIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA. [CH. 1.
Retirement of Gen. Jackson— His Successors.
surrender, and being positively refused, resorted to such measures as the case seemed imperiously to demand. The papers were taken possession of both atPensacola and St. Augustine, and filed among the public archives of the territory; while the former Governor, Calava, of West Flo- nda, who had been summoned before General Jackson, then acting m capacity of Supreme Judge, displayed so much indecorum in his presence, as to compel the General in support of his public authority, to remand him to gaol for contempt of Court. After a few hours confinement, during which he was treated with -becoming respect by the police officer of the day, Calava was dismissed, and by this arrest, respect for public authority was supported, and the rights of the citizens and territory maintained.
"Since the commissioners for adjusting land claims in Flo- nda have met, it has been discovered that the papers seized by Genera] Jackson were of the most essential value. With- out them the grantees of land would have been deprived of all evidence of their claims, and the United States defraud- ed, in some cases, of immense districts of country, and left with little more under the cession from Spain, than the sov- ereignty of Florida. Having organized the government of Florida, General Jackson again sought on his farm the re- tirement of private life."
On the 30th of March, 1822, Congress passed an act. creating into a territory the two Fioridas, and his Excel- lency Wra. P. Duval was appointed Governor. He was succeeded by John H. Eaton, in 1834, who. in 1836 being made minister to Spain, was succeeded by Gov. Call.
Present and contemplated improvements in this section.
First, is the Rail Road between Tallahassee and St. Marks actually commenced. Second, two steam boat companies have joined in order to transport passengers by a speedy and cheap conveyance from New- York to New Orleans via Jacksonville, for the contemplation of which object, a Rail Road is to be cut from Jacksonville to a fort on the Gulph, near Vacassar Bay. A third is a contemplated Rail Road trom Pensacola to Columbus, in Georgia. A more feasible one although distant, is a Rail Road from Jacksonville, 270 miles, through Tallahassee westward, to the Choctawhochie
CH. 1.] HISTORIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA.
Condition and Government of Florida.
river. It is also contemplated to clear the shoals in the Chattahouc'iie river, which impede the navigation in sum- mer to Columbus, and lastly, a canal from the Chipola, to connect the Apalachicola river with St. Andrews Bay, is still spoken ot although for the present suspended until a more favorable moment.
PRESENT CONDITION OF FLORIDA. Government, — The present Governor of Florida is J. K. Call— Salary 82.500. Secretary, Geo. K Walker— 1,500.
The Governors of Florida are appointed by the Presi- dent of tlfe United States, with the consent of the Senate — for three years.
Religious Denominations. — The Episcopalans have four ministers; the Presbyterians 2; the Methodists 2: the Ro- man (jatholics, 2;
*Newspaj>er^. — There are 7 newspapers published in Flo- rida—1 at Augustine, 1 at Jacksonville, 2 at Tallahassee, 1 at Pensacola, 1 at Appalachicola, and 1 at Key-West.* Judiciary.
Judges. Salary. Attorneys. Marshalls.
W.F. M. F. E. F. S. F.
J. A. Cameron. 81800 Th. Randall, Robt. Reid, Is. Webb, [ 2,300
Geo. A Walker. J. D. Westcott, Th. Douglass, Wm. Marvin,
J. W. Evans. T. E. Randolph. S. Blair. T. H. Eastin.
The territory now comprises 19 counties; and the coun- ty courts consist of the Judges of the respective counties; and they have a limited civil jurisdiction in all matters re-
* Anot her paper is about to be established at St. Augustine, by one of the gallant Volunteers to Florida, of whom the talented editor of the Columbia Telescope, (a most judicious judge on most subjects) expresses the follow- ing opinion, in which wecordially concur:
The Florida Inielli g encer. — In giving a place in our columns to the pros- pectus of the paper, which 3Ir. Cocke is about to establish in St. Augustine, we are bound to add our testimony in favor of the zeal and fidelity with which the former editorial career of that gentleman, assures us he will perform the duty which he u ndertakes, both as to the immediate communi- ty of which he becomes a member, and as to t hat part of the public else- where who may desire the earliest and most authentic information of what passes in the existing seat of war. 3Ir. Cocke, let him fix himself where h-3 may. is sure to be. as a citizen, the zealous and loyal defender of the community in which he ca*ts his lor — a friend every where, of the people agajaat power — a guardian uf the public rights, equally vigilant, indepen- d ni and fearless.
28
HISTOKIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA.
CH,
Courts — Education-— Population.
lating to estates, testate and intestate, and to guardians wards, and orphans and their estates,
The stated sessions of the District Superior Court are held on the first Monday in May and November; in the Western District, at Pensacola; and in the Southern at Kev Wen A court of Appeals composed of the Judges of the Superior Courts holds one session annually at Tallahassee, commerc- ing on the first Monday in January; the decision of which is nnal when the amount in controversy does not exceed $ 1000
Education.— No system of education is yet matured and no funds are realized for the use of common schools. Two townships of land, consisting of 46,080 acres have been re- served by Congress for the Territory, which are as yet un- available, but it is expected they will eventually produce a sufficient fund for founding a College. Besides these lands, each county is entitled by act of Congress to the 16th sec- tion, or 640 acres in every township of 23,040 acres for the use of common schools, ™ POPULATION, &c.
Table of the Counties-their location-their population-their Towns, and the distances of those Towns from Tallahassee and Washington, '
Counties and their locations.
West , Florida. -
Middle Florida.
I JNassau, L St- John's, South ( Monroe, Florida. ( Dade,
"Escambia, " Jackson, Walton, Washington, > Franklin, "Gadsden, ' Hamilton, Columbia. Jefferson, Leon, [ Madison, f Alachua, j Duvall,
1
i
IS. W
w.
N. W. IVT. w
N. W. N. W,
W. N, E.
N. E. E.
S. W. S. E.
Total,
|
Pop'n. |
C'y. Towns. |
Distance. fmT. | fmW |
|
|
3386 |
IPensacola. |
242 |
1050 |
|
iMariana. |
77 |
927 |
|
|
6092 |
lAlaqua. 1 Holmes' valley |
161 |
1011 |
|
121 |
971 |
||
|
IFort Gadsden. |
|||
|
4894 ~ |
Quincy. |
23 |
873 |
|
553 |
Miccotown. |
70 |
995 |
|
Tolosa. |
|||
|
3312 |
Montlcello. |
29 |
925 |
|
6493 |
Tallahassee. |
896 |
|
|
525 |
Hickstown. |
45 |
941 |
|
2204 |
Dell's. |
178 |
S75 |
|
1970 |
Jacksonville. |
252 |
801 |
|
733 |
Tomoka. |
||
|
1511 |
Fernandina. |
313 |
776 |
|
2535 |
St. Augustine. |
292 |
841 |
|
517 |
Key West. |
455 |
|
|
Indian Key. |
34723 — of whom 15,510 are slaves.
Banks.— Central Bank of Florida, at Tallahassee; Com- mercial Bank, at Apalachicoja ; Florida Bank, at Talkv
CH. 1.] HISTORIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA.
29
Banks, &c.
hassee, Merchants Bank, at Magnolia: Pensacola Bank,, at Pensacola: Apalachicola Bank, at Apalachicola.
The Union Bank of Florida was chartered in 1833 — commenced operations January 15th. 1835. with a capital of one million, and with the privilege of increasing it to 83.000,000 — which capital shall be raised by means of a loan on the faith of the Territory, by the Directors of the Bank. Stockholders are to be owners of real estate in the Territo- ry, and bonds and mortgages given upon their real estate, to ensure their subscriptions. Holders are entitled to dam- ages at the rate of 10 per cent, per annum, should the Bank refuse specie.
The charter of the Southern Life Insurance and Trust Company of St. Augustine, (E. F.) was confirmed by the Territorial Government in the winter of 1835. The books for subscription to the capital stock, were opened last No- vember, and the stock was readily taken, leaving an over subscription to a large amount. Its capital is two millions, with liberty to increase it to 4,000,000. The stock is re- quired to be paid in. within three years. Only one instal- ment of ten per cent, has yet been called in. It has the power to make insurance on lives, to grant and purchase annuities, to receive monies in trust, and to loan upon real and personal estate — with a banking power to buy, discount and sell bills and notes, to issue bills and to establish branch- es. By one of the charters, we see, they first loan upon rea1 and personal security, which they will commence doing as soon as the state of affairs in Florida will permit. As yet they have done little except to cash short drafts and exchange. They will loan upon bond and mortgage for a length of time — several years — thus giving the Planter time to pay, from the produce of the soil, for facilities, the use of which, he has been enabled to anticipate. The beneficial results of this course to the country, are very evident, and they will be doubly so, (when the Indian disturbances cease) as the country has been impoverished, Planters driv- en from their plantations, and their houses destroyed. Ma- ny will, through this means, be able to raise funds to carry on their operations, wTho otherwise must have been obliged to abandon them. Mr. Clark, a gentleman well known for 3*
60 HISTORIC SKETCH OF FLORIDA. [CH. I.
Life Insurance and Trust Company.
his worth and respectability of character, is the President of this msitution— in whose financial reputation the public have a sufficient guaranty for its safe and judicious management. Its Cashier, Mr. A. M. Reed, is a highly intelligent gentle- man, familiarly conversant with the practice and principles of banking, and distinguished, no less by the elegance of his manners, than by the amiableness of his disposition. They have a board of thirteen Directors, three of whom are to be appointed by the Territorial Government. Among its stockholders, it ranks many gentlemen of the first res- peetability and wealth in most of the Northern cities, in Charleston, and in Augusta. Arrangements have been made by which its bills are current in New York, Baltimore. Charleston,. Augusta, Savannah; and we doubt not they will be made redeemable at some few other points, and their currency throughout the country completely effectuated. A Trust Company of this character appears to be parti- cularly adapted to the wants of a new country like Flor- ida, where there is much rich and productive land yet un- reclaimed or uncultivated, and where capital, aided* by en- terprize, is required to bring forth its hidden treasures. When once this Institution, and others, and all contemplated im- provements, get _ into full blast, the facilities which will be afforded the industrious and enterprizing to carry on their operations, will, we doubt not, give an impetus and life to business, which will be felt throughout the entire Territory. That no rifle but that of the sportsman may ring through her thick foliaged forests, that their magnificent laurels may crown, not hammocks but heroes, that the olive may flour- ish o'er her fertile fields, as an appropriate emblem that the blood-stained tomahawk of war may be soon and forever "in the deep bosom of the" woodlands "buried" — and the calumet of peace long send up its gracefully curling and azure smoke to blend harmoniously with the blue, the beau- tiful, and serene skies of Florida, is the ardent hope of the author of this Historic Sketch, who, knowing from personal observation, that country and its occupants, must needs highly appreciate the former, and sincerely admire and esteem the latter.
CHAPTER II.
HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS.
[Ancient possessors of Florida, Seminole, meaning of the word — origin of that People — Yemasees — connection of their history with that of South Carolina and Georgia — the Spanish and British Systems — first disorga- nization of Florida Indians — Hostilities in the South — Tecumseh — he enlists the Creeks — Gen. Jackson — Col. Coffee — Border Warfare — Dim- can 3IcKrimmon captured by the Prophet Francis — saved by Milly. (Francis' daughter) — Gen. Jackson's Seminole Campaign.]
The Palarches, Eamuses and Kaloosas, were the ancient possessors of Florida, and are all extinct, The present Florida Indians are the remains of that ancient and warlike tribe on the Mississippi, which being almost extirpated by the French, retreated along the Northern coast of the Gulf of Mexico, and united with broken bands of Biloxies, Red Sticks, and runaway Creeks, called Seminoles. The largest- portion of these Indians are Lower Creeks, and are of the most dissolute, daring, and abandoned of that tribe.
The word Seminole signifies a wanderer or runaway, or it means a wild people or outsettlers, the ancestors of the tribe having detached themselves from the main body of the Creeks, and dwelt remotely, wherever the inducements of more game, or greater scope for freedom of action, might casually lead them. They settled in Florida about 115 years ago.
That this is the period of their becoming a separate com- munity, is confirmed by the connection of their history with that of the Yemasees, of whom there occur frequent notices in the account of the early settlement of Georgia and South Carolina.
In a talk, which the Seminoles about the year 1820, transmitted to the American government, they say, alluding to their ancient independence; "An hundred summers have seen the Seminole warrior reposing undisturbed under the shade of his live oak, and the suns of an hundred winters have risen on his ardent pursuit of the buck and the bear, with none to question his bounds, or dispute his range."
The greater part of East Florida appears to have been
originally in possessioo of the Yemasees— a powerful peo- ple, who not only occupied this province, but spread them- selves over Georgia, and into the limits of South Carolina, which on its first demarcation was bounded on the Sou+h by the Altamaha. Some of the tribes resided within the present limits oi that State, in and about Beaufort end Sa- vannah River, and also the Sea Islands. Bartram relates that these people, after a hardy contest, and manv bloodv defeats, were "entirely exterminated bv their ancient ene- mies the Creeks, who had a tradition, that a beautiful -acp of Indians, whese women thev called Daughters of the Son resided amidst the recesses of the 2reat Oafce^nokee wil- derness, where they enjoyed perpetual felicity, in <wer blooming islands, inaccessible to human approach.'
Bartram with probability supposes, that this fable took its rise from a fugitive remnant of the Yemasees, who found a retuge m this swamp, and were perhaps, after a lanse of rears, accidentally seen by some of the hunters of the Creek nation.
There is frequent mention, in the early colonial historv of South Carolina, of wars between the " first settlers and trie lemasees, the latter having been excited to attack the Colony by the Spanish authorities in St. Au<mstine. The curious may find in the Charleston Library* some early acts of the colony in MS. relating to this topic.
A formidable war was kindled bv these people, which would have proved destructive to the infant settlement of Carolina, had not timely intimation of the danger been ob- tained by means of one of the outsettlers to whom Sanute a chief of the hostile Indians, from a feeling of friendship' gave notice of the impending attack. On this occasion the Indians were defeated by Gov. Grant, and driven out of the provmce. Dr. Ramsay mentions tha: the Y,mas-s retired into t londa, to which country they seem to have been sub. sequently restriciec bv the increase fif tj]P wh;te,
and bv the Creeks, No fin ^ma - - -^
until the Semmoles came into notice, bv whom they were
" e^treh^ ^ ^ W* "Emilia ted," or almost, instead of
CH. 2.] HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS. 33
Spanish and English systems of dealing with the Indians.
conquered, and nearly exterminated, in 1721, in the man- ner mentioned by Bartram. When in the year 1715, the Yemasees were driven within the limits of Florida, they became slaves to the Seminoles. Another account states, that the Yemasees left St. Augustine in a body in 1722 ; or rather were expelled by the Spaniards, who essayed in vain to compel them to labors which were regarded as de- grading drudgeries by the warriors of Yemasee.
The Yemasees were remarkably black people, and the Ocklewahaw tribe, who are of a deeper shade than the Se- minoles, are descendants of the conquered race. The chief of the Ocklewahaws, Yaha Hadgo, who was killed by General Shelton in the campaign of '38, was, very dark ; but generally, the Seminole's complexion is like that of the Creeks.
Under King Payne, grandfather of Micconope, (the pre- sent Chief) the Seminoles invaded and achieved fcke con- quest of the territories they now occupied. Ke lived to near 100 years of age, and married a Yemasee woman, his slave, by whom he had the late chief Payne, who here, in the darkness of his complexion, a proof of his Yemasee
descent.,. * * .^fc " .*
The Indians were formerly very numerous in Florida, perhaps asfnuch so as in Mexico, They are now redu- ced comparatively to small bands, in few villages.
The ^Spanish system of dealing with them, was by trea- ties of incorporation:
The British principle was that of demarcation, when they obtained possession of Florida, at the peace of 1763.
A treaty was made with the Indians in 1769, pointing out the lands of the red and white inhabitants respectively.
Bartram (in 1777) says, " I prepared to set off again to Augusta, in Georgia, through the Creek Nation, the only
*"I love," said Dr. Johnson, "the University of Salamanca, for their de^ cision on the lawfulness of the Spanish conquests in America.''
This decision, ihe reader may remember, was against the right and duty of making war upon pagans and heretics to propagate the true faith, and was made on the public disputation held at Valladolid in 1550, between ;4the good" Las Casas and Zepuelveda. *The reader's recollection of the mild and benevolent Las Casas, will assure him that his thesis maintained the most liberal principles of universal toleration.
incorporation of the Indians i-ro the Spanish Monarc
practicable way ot returning by land, being frustrated of pursuing my intended route which J had meditated, through tbe territories of the Seminoles or Lower Creeks, thev be- ing a treacherous people. lying so fer from the eve and control ol the nation with whom they are confederate^ that *iTerf ^1 lately been depredations and murders committed my them at the bay of Apalaeh-, on some families of white people who were migrating from Geor-ia. with an intention 01 settling on the Mobile."
In ^1754. the Spanish Government of Bast and West Honda, met the Tallahassee and Seminole Indians in a body, wko )i#3 those -edicts, with thdr celebrated war- nor McGilkray at their head, and formed and exited a ffejty oT Incorporation. By this.treatv thev wer^ incor- * porated into the Spanish monarchy, with* certain reserved nghts oepeiidnig chiefly m the^will ..bf that government. The toll^-:n? is extracted :rom Travels in Louisiana aSl! ine FlondasAi tn%ear ISO?, b-r JohnDfevis^ +
America* DaniPd Bo7e^ at * bead f a handful 01 Tallahassee Inoians. Stacked end carried, about two years ago._ the rort of Apalachas. fortified wi^ cannon, i -supplied with ammunition and pro visions,%n3 garrisoned by a captain and company of Spanish troops, who f&e base cowards abandoned tneir posts without making resV-rc0 : but getting into their galiies moor*d at the foot of- the fort escaped to Pensacola.
;*Had the captain exhibited bm the smallest portion of the spirit of a Smith, he would have heard unmoved the. war- whoop, and smiled at the arrows of a host of Indians. But P Jet me not protane the tomb of the dead, bv associating the memory of the great father of Virginia, with such a miser- able poltroon.
"And what was the object of Bowles, in setting possession ' ot this fort .' solely that of carrying on with less restraint, ana more extent, the trade in far skins, with the Indians of tne surrounding country. It is true., that about three months after, the fort was retaken, without striking a blow, by the Spaniards : but the troops theycollected."and the pomp of artillery, &c. showed how formidable thev considered an
CH. 2.] HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS.
35
First disorganization of the Florida Indians— Tecumseh.
American, at the head even of a few timid, raw, and undis- ciplined Indians.
"Bowles, in his turn, deserted the fort at their approach, and decamped without beat of drum, or sound of trumpet."
The first disorganization of the Florida Indians, arose on the retirement of the trading house of Panton, Leslie & Co.; then came the irruption of the Georgia borderers in 1812, when the Alachua settlements were destroyed, and their King and Chief, Payne, received his death in the field. His brother Bowlegs (whose Indian name was Islapacpaya, which means Faraway,) died soon after of a broken heart, as it is said. But certain it is, that his country was laid waste by the Tennesseeans in 1814, and he mortally wound- ed in a subsequent rencontre with the ^Americans.
To the pamphlet (which we have referred to in our first chapter as) attributed to Col. Gadsden, we are indebted for the following account of the Indian hostilities which mani- fested themselves in the South about this period. An art- ful impostor, fTecumseh of the Shawnees, a man of most extraordinary abilities and consummate address, conceived the bold design of an union of the red against the white po- pulation of America, under a hope that by a general and continued assault along the whole line of our frontiers, the future extension of settlements might be checked, if the pre- sent inhabitants could not be driven into the ocean. Assu- ming the attributes of a prophet, and, among other things, assisted by the fortuitous occurrence of an earthquake, of which he had hazarded a prediction, a confidence began to be reposed in the sacredness of his character and mission. A majority of the Creek nation were enlisted in his cause, and the storm of an exterminating savage war hung over the West. Its first explosion was on Fort Mims; a rude
*VVe have found it impossible to separate completely the history of the Indians from that of Florida in our first chapter, to which therefore we must refer the reader, as throwing some light on this, our second chapter, and vice versa.
tThis is the Tecumseh who was (or was not) killed by Col. Johnson . The word Shawnee, or more properly Shawaneu, signifies south, that tribe having como originally from the south, where they dwelt near Savannah and in the Floridas. The Creeks, Choctaws, Cherokees and Yemasees, formed a league to expel them, and thereupon the Shawnees migrated north- wardly.
36 HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS. [cH. 2,
Gen. Jackson's Campaign — Battle of Talledega.
stockade defence, into which the Southern inhabitants of Alabama had lately retreated for security. More than 300 persons, including women and children, fell victims to sa- vage barbarity. "The slaughter was indiscriminate; mer- cy was extended to none, and the tomahawk often transfixed mother and child at the same stroke. But seventeen of the whole number in the fort, escaped to give intelligence of the dreadful catastrophe." In the midst of an alarm whjph such an inhuman outrage was calculated to excite, the eyes of Tennessee were turned on Jackson. Though confined at this period to his house by a fractured arm, his characteris- tic firmness did not desert him, and he cheerfully yielded to a second call for his services in the cause of his country. Two thousand militia were ordered to assemble at Fayette- ville in Tennessee, in addition to five hundred cavalry pre- viously raised under the command of Gen. Coffee.
The alarming accounts of the concentration of the forces of the enemy, with a view of deluging the frontier in blood, compelled Gen. Jackson (though individually in a most dis- abled state of body) to take the field before the ranks of his army had been filled, or his troops organized.
With this undisciplined force, he prepared for active ope- rations; but the wisest dispositions were counteracted, and all his movements embarrassed, by the failure of unfeel- ing and speculating contractors.
The enemy were gathering strength, and on the advance; they had already threatened a fort of Indian allies. In this situation, to retreat was to abandon our frontier citizens to the mercy of savages; to advance, was with the certainty of exposure to every privation.
Jackson hesitated not on the alternative, and with but six days rations of meat, and less than two of meal, he mo- ved with his army upon the Coosa; and, with Coffee's com- mand,-gave a most decisive blow to the enemy at Tallus- hatchee, in less than twenty-five days after he had marched from the rendezvous at Fayetteville. The loss of the Creeks in this engagement, was 186 killed, and 84 prisoners.
Though cor-.pelled by the want of supplies to return to his depots on the frontier, we find him in less than six
CH. 2.] HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS* 37
General Jackson's Campaign,
weeks in the field, at the well fought battle of *Talledega, and in the subsequent conflicts at Emuckfau, Enotichopco! and Tohopka, annihilating the hopes and expectations of the Creeks, and crushing the hydra of savage hostility in the South.
The combination of difficulties which embarrassed the operations of his campaigns, called forth all the resources of his genius, and the energies of his character.
He penetrated the wilderness with an undisciplined corps of militia and volunteers; the different departments of his staff unorganized, his most zealous officers untutored in the art of war, and his movements controlled by a most defect- ive system of supply, leaving an army and its efforts to the mercy of speculating contractors.
Most of his operations were paralyzed, while his men were alike exposed to the inclemency of weather, and the sufferings of starvation: marching whole days without a single article of subsistence in camp; then subsisting on acorns and esculent roots of the forest, and at length redu- ced to the extremity of resorting to the putrid offals of a bullock pen.
In all these hardships and privations did General Jack- son participate, his own private stores were turned over to the hospital for the comfort of the sick; and he exhibited an example of fortitude and zeal, which should have encou- raged the timid, and buoyed up despondency.
. To add t0 these trials, discontent manifested itself among his troops; the mutiny of his militia was one day suppressed by the volunteers; while to the defection of the volunteers, on the next, was opposed the militia. Finally, the militia and volunteers united in the same objects, and deserted by squads, companies and corps.
He appealed ineffectually to their affections, their past services, their good conduct, and their patriotism; and at one crisis was seen alone with a musket arresting the de- sertion of a column, and forcing it back to its duty His troops, however, (with the exception of a few determined volunteers) deserted, and in the midst of these embarrass.
*A touching Poem "Aldana of Taledega," by S. L, Fairfield ™v ko found in his N . A. Quarterly Magazine for April. *a"Heid, maybe
4
38 HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS. [cH. 2.
Treaty of Fort Jackson.
ments, the General was strenuously advised by the Gover- nor of Tennessee, to yield to the difficulties which had ac- cumulated, and abandon the campaign until more favorable circumstances should enable him to prosecute it with suc- cess. No difficulties, however, could daunt him; no obsta- cles shake his determination, and no disappointments divert him from his object; with a few resolute men he maintained the ground he had conquered, and the posts he had estab- lished, until reinforcements from Tennessee enabled him subsequently to triumph over the enemy, and give security to an agitated frontier. By the efforts of his genius he wrested from fanaticism the spells and incantations of de- ception, and left to a deluded tribe nothing to hope, but from the clemency of a magnanimous Republic. The spirit of the Creek nation was intimidated by his victories, and the survivors of the sanguinary conflicts of Talledega, Tallus- hatchee, Emuckfau and Tohepka, readily embraced the terms of peace proffered, and guaranteed by the treaty of Fort Jackson. In the provisions of that compact, indemni- ty for the past, and security for the future, were obtained; the sales of the lands ceded have more than quadrupled the expenses of the war; while such a demarcation has been given to the Creek limits, as to separate them from the neighboring tribes by an interposing white population (sup. posed at that time) sufficiently numerous to overcome sa- vage hostility, and give security to a hitherto exposed fron- tier.
A few of the most hostile of the disaffected Creeks (who had not accepted the terms of peace under the treaty of Fort Jackson) had fled to Pensacola; and the information received of their constant intercourse with a British force, then in possession of the Spanish forts, directed the attention of the American General to that quarter. Having concen- trated his army, about 3000 strong, at Mobile, and the cut- off near the junction of the Tombeckbee and Alabama ri- vers, he addressed the Spanish Governor, Maurequier of Florida, on the apparent violation of the neutrality of his territory by the enemies of the United States, demanding at the same time the surrender of the hostile Indians, who had sought his protection, and the dismissal of the British, gar-
CH. 2. J HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS.
39
Entry of Gen. Jackson into Pensacola-Termination of the Creek War.
risoning his forts. To this letter he received an evasive an- swer, acknowledging the facts of which Gen. Jackson com- plained; but refusing a compliance with his wishes, as con- trary to that hospitality which had uniformly characterized the conduct of his Catholic Majesty towards his allies.
The apprehension, therefore, of a new Indian War by British instigation, on the left flank of a frontier entrusted to the defence or Gen. Jackson, at a moment when New Or- leans was menaced by a powerful armament, hourly expec- ted on the coast; connected with the fact of a very recent attack on Fort Bowyer, at the mouth of Mobile Bay, by a combined lah'd-aadjoaval force, which had been prepared for the enterprize, and had embarked from Pensacola; left the American General the only alternative of carrying his arms where he found his enemies. Having resolved on the movement, he entered Pensacola on the 7th of November, 1814, expelled the hostile Indians, and forced the British to retreat for protection to their shipping.
This object accomplished, he withdrew from the Terri- tory of Florida, and, after informing the Spanish Governor of the motives for his entering, he concludes his letter with stating, "that as the enemy had retreated, and the hostile Creeks had fled for safety to the forest, he now retired from the town, leaving the Spaniards to re-occupy their forts and protect their rights."
Trumbull says — "The Creek war happily terminating in the spring of 1814, and a treaty of peace having been mu- tually concluded upon between the surviving chiefs of that nation, and commissioners appointed on the part of the Uni- ted States, but little opposition was then apprehended from the fugitives who had fled towards Pensacola, and who re- mained hostile to the interest of the Americans. But, con- trary to the expectations of our government, it was soon after discovered that these Indians had sought refuge among the different savage tribes living within and on the borders of the Floridas, denominated Seminole Indians, who it was suspected cherished feelings of hostility to the United States. This fact having been ascertained, the executive depart- ment of the government deemed it necessary, for the secur- ity of the frontier, to establish a line of forts near the South-
40
HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS. [CH. 2.
Border War between the Georgia and Seminole Indians.
em boundary of the United States, and to occupy those fortifications with portions of the regular forces, and'by this means peace was maintained with the Indians until the spring or summer of 1817, when the regular forces were withdrawn from the posts on the Georgia frontier, and con- centrated at fort Montgomery, on the Alabama river, a con- siderable distance west of the Georgia line."
But it seems that about this timet a border warfare was commenced between the Seminole Indians, and the frontier inhabitants of Georgia. Duncan M'Krimmon, (a resident of Milledgeyide, a Georgia militia man, stationed at fort Cradsden) being out one morning on a fishing excursion, in attempting to return, missed his way, and was several days lost m the surrounding wilderness. After wandering about m various directions, he was espied and captured by a party of hostile Indians, headed by the well known prophet Fran- cis. The Indians having obtained the satisfaction they wanted respecting the determination of government, the do- sition of the American army, &c, they began to prepare for the intended sacrifice. M'Krimmon was bound to a stake, and the ruthless savages having shaved his head and reduced his body to a state of nudity, formed themselves into a circle, and danced round him some hours, yellino* most horribly. The youngest daughter of the prophet about fifteen years of age, remained sad and silent the whole time. She participated not in the general joy, but was evidently, even to the affrighted prisoner, much pained at the savage scene she was compelled to witness. When the burning torches were about to be applied to the fagots, which encompassed the prisoner, and . the fatal tomahawk was raised to terminate forever his mortal existence, Milly Francis, (for that was her name) like an angel of mercy, placed herself between it and death, resolutely bidding the? astonished executioner, if he thirsted for human blood, to shed hers; being determined, she said, not to survive the prisoner's death. A momentary pause was produced by this unexpected occurrence, and" she took advantage of the circumstance to implore upon her knees, the pity of her ferocious father, who finally yielded toner wishes; 'with the intention, however, it is suspected, of murdering them both,
CH. 2.] HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS.
41
Major Twiggs attacks Fowl Town.
if he could not sell M'Krimmon to the Spaniards; which was luckily effected a few days after at St. Marks, for seven gallons and a half of rum. As long as M'Krimmon re- mained a prisoner, his benefactress continued to shew him acts of kindness. The fortune of war afterwards placed her in the power of the white people, being compelled, with a number of others of her tribe, who were in a starving con- dition, to surrender themselves prisoners. As soon as this fact was known to M'Krimmon, in manifestation of a due sense of the obligation which he owed to the woman who saved his life, at the hazard of her own, he sought her to alleviate her misfortune, and to offer her marriage: but Milly would not consent to become his wife as a consider- ation of having saved his life, declaring that she did no more than her duty, and that her intercessions were the same as they would ever have been on similar occasions.
In these frequent outrages committed upon the frontiers, it was somewhat difficult to determine on whom the greatest injuries were inflicted. Gen. Gaines, however, demanded a surrender of the Indians, who had committed depredations on the frontiers of Georgia. With this demand they re- fused to comply, alleging that the first and greatest aggres- sions had been made by the white men. In consequence of this refusal, Gen. Gaines was authorized by the Secretary of War, at his discretion, to remove the Indians still re- maining on the lands ceded to the United States by the treaty made with the Creeks. In so doing, he was told that it might be proper to retain some of them as hostages, until reparation was made for depredations committed" by the Indians. In pursuance of this discretionary authority, Gen. Gaines ordered a detachment of near 300*men, under the command of Major Twiggs, to surround and take an Indian Village called Fowl Town, about 14 miles from fort Scott, and near the Florida line. This detachment arrived at Fowl Town in the night, and the Indians taking the alarm, and flying to an adjacent swamp, were fired upon by the detachment, when one man and one woman were killed, and two Indians made prisoners. The detachment return, ed to fort Scott.
A day or two afterwards, as stated by Capt. M'Intosh, 4*
42
HISTOEY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS.
[cH. 2.
Gen. Jackson and Gaines take the field.
who was of the party, about the same number of troops paid a second visit to the same village, for the purpose of ob- taining property. While loading their wagons with corn, and collecting horses and cattle, they were fired on by the Indians, and a skirmish ensued, in which a small loss was sustained on both sides. It was stated by Capt. Young, the topographical engineer, that this town contained forty- five Indian warriors, besides women and children. From this time the war became more serious. The Indians, in considerable numbers, were embodied, and an open attack was made on fort Scott. Gen. Gaines, with about 600 reg- ular soldiers, was confined to the garrison. In this state of things, information having been communicated to the War Department, Gen. Jackson was ordered to take the field. He was put in command ot the regular and military force, amounting to 1800 men, provided for that service; and di- rected, if he should consider the force provided insufficient to beat the enemy, (whose force was estimated by Gen. Gaines at 2800 strong) to call on the Governors of the ad- joining States for such portions of the militia, as he might think requisite.
On the receipt of this order, Gen. Jackson appealed (to use his own expressions) to the patriotism of the West Ten- nesseeans, who had served under him in the last war. One thousand mounted gun-men, and two companies of what were called life-guards, with the utmost alacrity, volunteer- ed their services from the States of Tennessee and Ken- tucky, and repaired to his standard. Officers were ap- pointed to command this corps by the General himself, or by other persons acting under his authority. Thus organ- ized, they were mustered into the service of the United States.
About the time Gen. Jackson was organizing this de- tachment of volunteers in the State of Tennessee, or pre- vious thereto, Gen. Gaines was likewise employed in rais- ing forces among the Creek Indians. Gen. Gaines raised an army of at least 1600 Creek Indians, appointing their officers, with a Brigadier General at their head, and like- wise mustered this force into the service of the United States. It appears that Gen. Jackson advanced into Florida, with a
CH. 2.]
HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS.
43
Francis, Arbuthnot and Ambrister executed.
force of 1800 men, composed of regulars, volunteers, and the Georgia militia; and afterwards, on the first day of April, was joined by Gen. M'lntosh and his brigade of 1600 Indians, who had been previously organized by Gen. Gaines. Opposed to whom, it appears from the report of Capt. Young, topographical engineer, and other evidence, the whole forces of the fugitive Seminole Indians and runa- way negroes, had they all been embodied, could not have exceeded 900 or 1000 men,* and at no time did half that number present themselves to oppose his march. Of course little or no resistance was made.
The Miskasuky towns were first taken and destroyed. The army marched upon St. Marks, a feeble Spanish gar- rison, which surrendered without firing a gun, and was then occupied as an American post; the Spanish Commandant having first, by humble entreaties, and then by a timid pro- test, endeavored to avert the measure. Here Alexander Arbuthnot was found, taken prisoner, and put in confine- ment for the purpose, as it was stated by Gen. Jackson, "of collecting evidence to establish his guilt:" and here also were taken two Indian chiefs, one of whom pretented to pos- sess the spirit of prophecy. They were hung without trial and without ceremony. Francis, who by the entreaties of his daughter, was persuaded to spare the life of M'Krim- mon, a captive, was the prophet above alluded to. This being done, and St. Marks garrisoned with American troops, the army pursued their march eastward to Suwanee river, on which they found a large Indian village, which was con- sumed, and the Indians and negroes were dispersed; after which, the army returned to St. Marks, bringing with them Robert C. Ambrister, who had been taken prisoner on their march to Suwanee. During the halt of the army for a few days at St. Marks, a general court-martial was called, Ar- buthnot was arraigned, found guilty, sentenced to suffer death, and hung. Ambrister was tried in like manner, found guilty, and shot.
Gen. Gaines, in a letter to the Secretary of War, dated in 1817, says — "The Seminole Indians, however strange and
* Another estimate makes the number of warriors 2,700,
FLORIDA INDIANS. [CH. 2.
Fort Gadsden erected.
absurd it may appear to those who understand little of their real character and extreme ignorance, entertain a notion that they cannot be beaten by our troops. They confident- ly assert, that we have never beaten them, or any of their people, except when we have been assisted by 'the 'red people.' And he adds, "I feel warranted, from all I know of the savages, in saying, they do not believe we can beat them. This error of theirs has led them, from time to time, for many years past, to massacre our frontier citizens — often the unoffending and helpless mother and babes."
As a well earned tribute to a most meritorious officer, we make the following extracts;
Gen. Jackson to Secretary of War, March 20, 1818.— "I immediately directed my Aid-de-camp, Lieut. Gadsden, of the Engineer Corps, to furnish a plan for, and superintend the erection of, a fortification. His talents and indefatiga- ble zeal displayed in the execution of this order, induced me to name it fort Gadsden; to which he is justly entitled."
Extract of a letter from Adjutant General Butler, in 1813, to the Secretary of War.— "On the same morning Lieut. James Gadsden, Aid-de-camp to the Commanding General, descended the Suwanee river to its mouth, with Capt. Dun- lap's and a few of Capt. Crittenden's companies cf the life- guards, and a small detachment of the regulars, and cap- tured, without difficulty, the schooner of A. Arbuthnot, which had brought supplies of powder and lead to the In- dians and negroes."*
R/!iSu1rrin the U' S' Senate documents-and in the Journals ^^^^^aSe^amy bef°Und "^interesting papers touch-
jBurges & II on our .-\-/b Uroad St Charleston . So x am I in a. .
CHAPTER ItL
HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS.
Concluded.
[Indian population described by Peniere, IT. S. Agent— Indian Villages enumerated by Bell, U. S. Agent— Treaty of 1819 between Spain and United States— Treaty at Moultrie between United States and the Indi- ans—Col. Gadsden's letter in 1833 — Treaty at Payne's Landing between U. States and Seminoles— Treaty at Fort Gibson, 1833— Seminole Agree- ment in 1835— Talk of Seminoles with Gen. Thompson, U. S. Agent,]
The following description of the Indian population, is from manuscript communications of the intelligent J. A. Peniere, Esq. then Indian Agent, stationed in this Territory, to General Jackson, and the Secretary of War, about the year 1621.
The population of the Indian tribes, known under the collective name of Creeks, composed of six others, desig- nated by the names of Miccassauky, Souhoine, Santafee, Redstick, and Echitos, in time past furnished one thousand two hundred warriors, which, at the rate of five to each warrior, would give a population of six thousand souls. The nation, known by the name of Seminoles, is compo- sed of seven tribes, which bear the names of Latchioue, Oklecuaha, Chokehaitta, Pyaclekaha, Fatehouyaha, Top- kelake, and one other. t
There are, besides, some remains of ancient tribes, known by the names of Outchis, Chias, Canaake, but they consist of only a few straggling families.
There is also on the frontiers of Georgia, another tribe called Cahouita, which raised one hundred or one hundred? and fifty warriors, under Mackintosh. Seven years ago, they waged a barbarous warfare against the whites and Se- minoles, who detest them. We must add to this enumera- tion, which will make the Indian population amount to more than five thousand souls, fifty or sixty negroes, or mulattoes, who are maroons, or half slaves, to the Indians.
These negroes appeared to me far more intelligent than
46
fen. 3.
Names of Indian Villages.
those who are in absolute slavery, and have great influ- ence over the Indians.
The Indians are very mistrustful, very poor, very lazy, and very great beggars.
They love the English and Americans very little.
I have neglected no means of contradicting reports which were spread among them; for instance, that two thou- sand troops are coming by your (Governor Jackson's) order, to drive them off. and take from them their slaves and cattle.
It will be difficult to form a prudent determination with respect to the maroon negroes who live among the Indians, on the other side of the little mountains of Latchiona.
Their number is said to be upwards of three hundred. They fear being again made slaves, under the American Government: and will omit nothing to increase or keep alive mistrust among the Indians, whom they in fact govern.
If it should become necessary to use force with them, it is to be feared the Indians would take their part. It will, however, be necessary to remove from the Floridas, this group of lawless freebooters, among whom runaway ne- groes will always find refuge.
In a letter from Capr. John H. Bell, (who succeeded Pe- niere as Agent for the Indians m Florida,) addressed to a Committee of Congress, in February, 1821, the following Indian villages are enumerated, viz.
1. Red Town, at Tampa Bay. Number of souls un- known.
2. Oc-lack-o-na-yahe, above Tampa Bay. A number of souls.
3. O-po-nays Town, back of Tampa Bay.
4. Tots-ta-la-hoeets-ka, or Vv^atermelon Town on the seaboard, west side Tampa Bay; the greater part of all these fled from the Upper Creeks, when peace was given to that nation.
5. A-ha-pop-ka, situated back of the Musquitoe.
6. Low-walla Village, composed of those who fled from Coosa, and followed M'Queen and Francis, their prophets.
7. M'Queen's Village, east side Tampa Bay.
8. A-lack-away-talofa, in the Alachua plains. A great number of souls. Took-o-sa-mothlay, the chief,
CH. 3.] HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS. 47
Names of Indian Villages.
9. Santa-fee-talofa, at the east fork of Suwana. Lock- taw-me-coocky, the chief.
10. Waw-ka-saw-su, on the east side of the mouth of the Suwana, on the sea-board; these are from the Coosa river, followers of M 'Queen and Francis.
11. Old Suwanee Town, burnt in 1818, on the Suwanee river. These are from the Tallapoosa towns, and they are from the Upper Creeks.
12. A-la-pa-ha-tolafa, west of Suwanee, and east of the Miccasuky. The chief, Ockmulgee, is lately dead.
13. Wa-cissa-talofa, at the head of St. Marks river. These are from the Chattahoochy, Upper Creeks.
14. Willa-noucha-talofa, near the head of St. Marks river, west of Wa-cissa-talofa, natives of Florida.
15. Talla-hasse, on the waters on the Miccasuky pond. These have lived there a long time, have about 100 war- riors, and suppose 10 souls to a warrior, say 1,000 souls.
16 Top-ke-gal-ga, on the east side of the O-clock-ney, near Tal-la-hassee.
17. We-thoe-cuchy-talofa, between the St. Marks and O-clockney rivers, in the fork of the latter; very few of them are natives of the land.
18. O-chuce-ulga, east of the Apalachicola, where Ham- bly and Blunt live; above 250 souls. Cothun, the chief.
19. Cho-co-nickla Village. The chief is Nea-thoe-o- motla; the second chief, Mulatto-king: they were raised here; have about sixty warriors on the west side of the Apalachicola.
20. Top-hulgar. This village, and Cho-co-nickla, join each other. Raised in East Florida, and removed there.
21. Tock-to-eth-la, west of fort Scott and Chattahoochy, ten miles above the forks; forty or fifty warriors were rais- ed at the O-cun-cha-ta, or red ground, and moved down.
22. Another town in East Florida Point, called O-chu-po- crassa. These moved down from the Upper Creeks. About 30 warriors, and a great many women and children, set- tled there.
The foregoing list is extracted from a talk held by Gen,. Jackson, with the Chiefs of the Florida Indians, viz. Kount^ Nea-math-la, and Mulatto King, at Pensacola, 19th Sep*^
48 HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS. [CH. 8e
Cession of Florida to the United States.
tember, 1821. To which may be added the following set- tlements in East Florida. °
23. Pe-lac-le-ka-ha, the residence of Miccanopa, chief of the Seminole nations, situated about one hundred and twenty miles south of Alachua.
24. Chu-ku-chatta, about 20 miles south-east of Chuck- uchatta, at the same distance from the head of Tampa.
25. Hich-a-pul-susse, about 20 miles south-east of Chuck- uchatta, at the same distance from the head of Tampa.
26. Big Hammock settlement; the most numerous north of I ampa Bay, and west of Hecapusussee.
27. Oc-la-wa-haw, on the river of that name, west of St. John s river.
28. Mulatto Girls town, south of Caskawilla lake.
29. Bucker Woman ?s town, near Long Swamp, east of Joig Hammock.
• 3a°i' ?lng Heifahs' south> and Payne's negro settlements in Alachua; these are slaves belonging to the Seminoles, in ail about three hundred.
31. John Kicks' Town, west of Payne's Savannah, Mic- casukys.
32. O-ke-a-fenoke swamp, south side, a number of Cow- etas.
33. Beech Creek, settlement of Cheehaws.
m 34. Spring Garden, above Lake Georee, Uchee Billv is their chief. J
35. South of Tampa, near Charlotte's Bay, Choctaws. I he whole number of Indian population in Florida, may be estimated at about five thousand souls.
By the treaty between the United States and Spain, of 1795, it was stipulated that the Spanish Government should restrain tneir Indians from committing hostilities against the united btates.
In this state of things the Floridas were ceded, in full do minion and absolute property, to the United States, by the treaty of the 22d February, 1819. In this treaty there was no allusion to, or provision for these Indians/in any manner whatever. The two provinces of East and West * londa were delivered to the United States by the Spanish commissioners. The white population was confined to the
CH. 3.] HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS,
49
United States take possession of the Floridas.
towns of St. Augustine and Pensacola, and the whole re- gion between these two places, one on the Atlantic and the other on the Gulf of Mexico, distant four hundred miles from each other, was occupied in some sort by these rov- ing savages. The United States took possession of the country, and one of the first questions that occupied the at- tention of the Administration, or of Congress, was, What should we do with these Indians? It was then represented, even at that period, that they were reduced to great extre- mities for the want of the ordinary articles of subsistence. They had nearly abandoned the chase, on account of the scarcity of game; and their idle, vicious habits, presented an insuperable obstacle to the cultivation of the soil.
To have acquired a territory of such extent, embracing one thousand two hundred miles of sea-coast, to be left in possession of these Indians, was too absurd to merit one moment's consideration. The Secretary of War, Mr. Cal- houn, on the 28th January, 1823, in answer to a call of the Indian Committee, at the head of which was General Met- calf, late Governor of Kentucky, communicated various re- ports and correspondence; among which were several let- ters from the present President of the United States, then Governor of Florida. In one of these letters from General Jackson, dated 20th of September, 1821, referring to a talk he had had with the head chiefs of the Florida Indians, he says, "They acknowledge that it is just, that those who re- jected peace when it was offered to them, and fled from their own country, continuing the war, ought to return to their own nation." The President proceeds, "I am of opinion, from the smallness of their numbers, and the shape of the Floridas, that it would be much better policy to move them all up, and amply to provide for them by an an- nuity."
General Jackson, in a talk to the Indians on the 18th September, 1821, told them, "those who fled from their na- tion, and joined in the war against us, must return to their country, where their chiefs are willing to receive them. They cannot be permitted to settle all over the Floridas."
The chiefs were satisfied with what w^as then communi- cated to them. By a letter subsequently addressed to the
Secretary of War, he says. "The exposed situation of the Floridas, imperiously demands that its frontier upon the coast should be immediately inhabited by white citizens.'*' He states, "the largest portion of the Seminoles are a part of the Creek nation;" and adds, "with what pretence of justice, can those who fled from the Creek nation, and kept up an exterminating war on our frontier, until crushed by the arm of our Government in 1818, set up such claims!**
After examining these documents, the Committee of In- dian Affairs of this Hous^ reported that, in their opinion, the Indians, as a nation, own no lands in Florida, except where it was granted to them by the Spanish authorities — that they stood in the relation of domestic dependent com- munities. This report was concurred in by the House. It was apparent, therefore, that it was the intention of the Executive Government, as well as of Congress, that the largest portion of these Indians should be sent back to the nation to which they belonged — being, as I have said, run- away Creeks, and having no such attachments to the "bones of their ancestors," as is so often and so falsely ascribed to them, a mere fancy, much better suited to poetry, fiction and romance, than what we know of their characters.
Some time after this, a commission was authorized to treat with these Indians, and their negotiations led to the treaty of Camp ^Moultrie. At this treaty, these very runaway Creeks, were permitted, in conjunction with the others, to contract for and obtain the possession of about 5,000.000 of acres of land in the peninsula of East Florida. Con- gress also engaged to pay certain annuities to the Se- minoles for twenty years. I admit that this treaty constitutes a guarantee of possession, until changed or rescinded by some subsequent contract or convention. Within a few years after the conclusion of this-treaty, the Indians were found actually in a state of starvation, and a large sum was appropriated by this Government. A much larger sum, said Mr. White, than has been doled out by a reluctant hand to our own suffering fellow-citizens.
*The Commissioners at Moultrie were Col, J as, Gadsden, Governor Du- val and Mr . Cigni.
CH. 3.] HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS.
51
Treaty at Payne's Landing.
who have a right to appeal to this government for protec- tion, and who were intended to be provided for under the generous resolution which passed this House with such unanimity, at the commencement of hostilities.
In consequence of intimations given by these Indians, through their agent, that there was not sufficient game to support them, Mr. White was appointed a commissioner, in the year 1827, to offer them a country of sufficient ex- tent to the west of the Mississippi, with a guarantee of title and possession forever, in exchange for the lands occupied by them in Florida. They were unwilling to go without an examination of the country, and he had no authority to enter into a contract to pay the expenses of a deputation: all of which was reported to the Government. In 1831 or 1832, it was represented to this Government, by the In- dians themselves, that they desired to form a treaty with the United States, to exchange these lands for others on the west of the Mississippi. Colonel Gadsden was appointed the commissioner; and, in a council of all the head chiefs and warriors, fully represented, at Payne's Landing, on the 9th of May, 1832, a conditional convention was entered into.
In the preamble to this treaty, it was recited, that "the Seminole Indians, regarding with just respect the solici- tude manifested by the President of the United States for the improvement of their condition, by recommending a removal to a country more suitable to their habits and wants, than the one they at present occupy in the Territory of Florida, are willing that their confidential chiefs should be sent to examine the country assigned to the Creeks: and should they be satisfied with the character of the country, and the favorable disposition of the Creeks to re-unite with the Seminoles as one people, the articles of compact and agreement shall be binding on the respective parties."
By the first article of this treaty, which was thus to be binding upon the performance of two conditions prece- dent, the Seminole Indians relinquish to the United States all claim to land they occupy in Florida, and agree to emi- grate, &c.
This same article provides for an additional extent of ter.
52
HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS. [CH. £
inoles.
ritory to be added to the Creek country
I he second article provides that the United States shall rnu1tierPenSatl0nforaU imP— euts, and paycertat
The third article provides for goods to hP rW; a e their arrival. The fourth and fifth for MiSsSTf a luation of cattle. utacKsmitns and va-
By the 6th article, the United States are to hav *7 ana tor slaves and other property alleged to have been , oy the Indians. v. sioien
The 7th article provides for their removal within I years, and that the expenses of the removal f XLtS paid by the United States, with their subsidence %nr twelvemonths after their arrival. whence .or
DarTo?t[leTTy -,Wf oigned hy CoL James Gadsden on the part of the United States, and by fifteen chiefs and head men from the vagabond *Semino)e nation. lftfo ^letter from Col. James Gadsden, dated Wascissa
and MuLSi^f elrTed E-« E
ana Mulatto Kmg) will ultimately negotiate under th»
STal the? COmPacJ'^<3-hing theiHant £3 coming in as parties to the treaty of Payne's landing There can be no difficulty on this subject, for thev are** component part of the Seminole Nation, were Dart.vTtn the treaty of Camp Moultrie; and in the additional arn>£ to that treaty here made them on the Apalachicola tbX (government reserved the right of ordering them within the Seminole limits, whenever it thought proper to do so »
On the 13th February, 1833, was iStffiedT^t tween the United States and the Appalachicola band 'of In' dians in Florida, mad? at Tallahassee, 11th October 1832 by James Gadsden, Commissioner on the part of the Uni" ted States, and John Blunt, together with certain warriors of the Appalachicola band, on the part of said baud- in which Treaty, they surrender to the United States all their nght to a reservation in the additional article of the Treatv of Camp Moultrie, in the Territory of Florida, 18th Sep.
R»mK? ab°Dd Ty to uf ed in the sense of roaming . When Dr Johnson* Rambler was about to be done into Italian, the title was-H Va?abSndo
HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS.
53
Treaty at Fort Gibson.
tember, 1823, and agree to remove to the *West, &e* This treaty is signed by
J as. Gadsden, Commissioner.
Wm. P. Duval, Superintendant.
S. Richards, Interpreter.
And by
John Blunt.
Osaa-Hajo, (or Davy.)
Co-ha-thlock-co, (or Cockrane.) The confidential chiefs and agents, in pursuance of the convention entered into, visited these lands west of the Mississippi in the year 1833, and in a treaty then and there entered into at Fort Gibson, on the 28th of March, 1833, with three United States Commissioners, they express their satisfaction with the country assigned them; and the 'fa- vorable disposition of the Creeks,' was manifested by a treaty solemnly entered into, by which they agree that the Seminoles should be reunited with them.''
The following is the substance of this treaty between the United States and Seminoles at fort Gibson, 28th March. 1833, by Stoke, Elsworth and Schermerhorn, on part of United States, and delegates of Seminoles on part of said nation, Whereas, by the 1st article of treaty at Payne's Landing, 9th May? 1^>32, "The Seminole Indians relinquish all claim to the land they at present occupy in the territoiy of Florida, and agree to emigrate to the country assigned to the Creeks, west of the Mississippi river, it being under- stood that an additional extent of territory proportioned to their number, will be added to the Creek country, and that the Seminoles will be received as a constituent part of the Creek nation, and be re-admitted to all the privileges as members of the same." "And whereas the said agreement also stipulates and provides that a delegation of Semincles should be sent at the expense of the United States to exam- ine the country to be allotted them among the Creeks, and should this delegation be satisfied with the character of the
*From Senate Documents, 1st Session, 23d Congress, much interesting information may be gleaned, on the subject of the removal of the Indians, generally, to the West.
5*
54
HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS. [CH. 3
Conditions of the Treaty at Payne's Landing.
country and of the favourable disposition of the Creeks to unite with them as one people, then the aforesaid mention- ed treaty would be considered binding and obligatory upon trie parties. And whereas a treaty was made between the United States and the Creek Indians west of the Mississippi at Fort Gibson, on 14th February, 1833, by which a coun- try was provided for theSeminoles in pursuance of the ex- isting arrangements, between the U. States and that tribe.
uAnd whereas the special delegation appointed by theSem- inoles, 9th May 1832, have since examined the land desig- nated for them by the undersigned commissioners on the behalf of the United States, and have expressed themselves satisfied with the same, in and by their letter dated March 1833, addressed to the undersigned commissioners."
The commissioners then designate to the Seminole tribe oi Indians for their separate future residence forever, a tract of country lying between the Canadian river, and the north fork thereof and extending west to where a line run- ning north and south, between the main Canadian and north branch will strike the forks of little river, provided said west line does not extend more than 25 miles west from the mouth of the said little river.
"And the undersigned Seminole chiefs express themselves well satisfied with the location, &c. and agree to remove as soon as Government will make arangements,&c. Signed by the American commissioners, and
John Hick, representing Sam Jones.
holata emarta.
Jumper.
Coi Had jo.
Charley Emata.
Ya-Ha-Hadgo.
Nehanthgclo, representing Black Dirt.
Abraham, Seminole Interpreter. The treaty of Payne's Landing was to take effect upon the happening of two contingencies— the expression of sat- isfaction of the confidential chiefs, and the favorable dispo- sition of the Creeks; both of which were ascertained, re- ported, and acted upon, and the treaty regularly presented by the President of the United States for the advisement
CH. 3.]
HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS.
55
Assent of the Seminoles to the Treaty of 1832 and 1833.
and consent of the Senate, and due proclamation of the rat- ification made in April, 1834.
The period arrived when, by the expiration of three years, the tribe were to remove. They manifested some reluctance to execute this contract, and after various equi- vocations, delays, and impositions, they were told they must go. Yes, this Government, who were urged on by some gentlemen to make war on France for a delay in not executing their contract, signified to the Indians as they did to Louis Phillippe, that we insisted upon the treaty; they were further told that if they longer delayed to perform what they had promised, after they had accepted the annu- ities and considerations stipulated by this Government, they must be forced. After some remonstrances and petitions on their part to the commanding general, they entered into anew agreement with him, as follows: —
"We, the undersigned chiefs and sub-chiefs of the Semi- nole tribe of Indians, do hereby, for ourselves and for our people, voluntarily acknowledge the validity of the treaty between the United States and the Seminole nation of In- dians, made and concluded at Payne's Landing, on the Ock- lawaha river, on the 9th of May, 1832, and the treaty be- tween the United States and the Seminole nation of Indians, made and concluded at Fort Gibson, on the 28th day of March, 1833, by Montford Stokes, H. L. Ellsworth, and J. F. Schermerhorn, commissioners on the part of the United States, and the delegates of the said nation of Seminole In- dians on the part of the said nation; and we, the said chiefs and sub-chiefs, do, for ourselves and for our people, freely and fully assent to the above-recited treaties in all their pro- visions and stipulations.
"Done in council at the Seminole agency, this 23d day of April, 1835.
"Signed by sixteen chiefs and sub-chiefs,
"In presence of
"D. L. Clinch, Brig. Gen. U. S. A. "A. C. W. Fanning, Brevet Lt. Col. U. S. A. "C. M. Thruston, Capt. 3d Regt. Artillery. "T. W. Lendrum, Capt. 3d Regt. Artillery,
56 HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS. [cH. 3,
Powell signs the agreement to perform the Treaties.
"Joseph W. Harris, First Lieut. M Artillery. "Wiley Thompson, Superintendajit to remove Seminole Indians.
It appears by this agreement, thus voluntarily entered into, that a further time of nearly one year was given to them, upon a solemn pledge that they would execute their agreeement, in conformity with the provisions of the treaty, by a removal to the land assigned them. This agreement was signed by sixteen chiefs.
Some time after this, Powell, who had made the greatest difficulty, came in and signed the same agreement volunta- rily, as detailed in the report of the War Department.
General Thompson, in a letter of the 3d June, reported that Powell, one of the most influential chiefs of Seminoles, had behaved so badly in his office that he was put in irons and confined. On the next day, however, he sigifined his regret, and his willingness to sign the agreement and emi- grate. _ To test his sincerity he was released, and had five days given to him, while at liberty, during which he could come forward to affix his name to the instrument the others had signed. 'True to his professions,' says the agent, 'he this day rppeared with seventy-nine of his people, men, wo- men, and children, including some who had joined him since his conversion, and redeemed his promise. He told me ma- ny of his friends were out hunting, whom he could and would bring over on their return. I have now no doubt of his sincerity, and as little, that the greatest difficulty is sur- mounted.'
Between the 25th of April and the time of gathering their crop, the whole period was employed in preparations for war. The period arrived at which, by this new agreement, the Indians were to remove. It will be observed that this was the third contract, signed by all the chiefs. When, in violation of these promises and conventions, they commenced open hostilities against the unoffending inhabitants of Flori- da, laid waste and desolated three counties, destroyed more than a million of property, and massacred one hundred and nine of our best officers and troops, before any adequate force could be called into the field to resist them.
As shedding some light on their objections to removal.
CH. 3.] HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS. 57
Talk of the Seminole Chiefs.
we submit the following Talk on the part of the Indians, at the Seminole agency, in 1834 — being the first great Talk held with them by Wiley Thompson, after his appointment as Agent, for the purpose of ascertaining from them their wishes, as to the disposition of their stock, and other person- als, preparatory to their removal, and their preference as to the mode of transportation.
The Agent harangued them at great length.
On the day appointed for their answer, the Talk was opened as follows, and the several speakers succeeded in the order herein observed. * *
Holatioiico. — "We come to make our Talk to-day. We were all made by the same Great Father, and are all alike his children. We all came from the same Mother, and were suckled at the same breast, Therefore we are brothers, and as brothers, should treat together in an ami- cable way, and should not quarrel and let our blood rise up against each other. If the blood of one of us, by each other's blow, should fall on the lap of the earth, it would stain it, and cry aloud for vengeance, from the land where- in it had sunk, and call down the frown and the thunder of the Great Spirit."
Jumper. — "At the treaty of Moultrie, it was engaged that we should rest in peace upon the land allotted to us for twenty years. All difficulties were buried, and we were assured that if we died, it should not be by the violence of the white man, but in the course of nature. The lightning should not rive and blast the tree, but the cold of old age should dry up the sap, and the leaves should wither and fall, and the branches drop, and the trunk decay and die. The deputation stipulated at the talk of Payne's Landing, to be sent on the part of the nation, was only authorized to examine the country to which it was proposed to remove us, and report to the nation. We went according to agreement, and saw the land. It is no doubt good, and the fruit of the soil may swell sw^eet and taste good, and be healthy, but it is surrounded with bad and hostile neighbors, and the fruit of bad neighborhood is blood, that spoils the land, and fire that dries up the brook. When in the WTest, I told the Agent, 'you say our people are rogues, but you would
58 HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS, [cH. 8,
Talk of the Seminole Chiefs continued.
bring us among worse rogues, to destroy us.' Even of the horses we carried with us, some were 'stolen, and their ri- ders obliged to return with their packs on their back. The Government would send us among Tribes with which we could never be at rest. When we saw the land, we said nothing: but the agents of the United States made us sign our hands to a paper, whicbi/ow say signified our consent to remove; but we considered we did no more than say we liked the land, and when we returned, the nation would de- cide. W e had not authority to do more. Your talk is a good one, but my people cannot say they will go. We are not willing to do so. If their tongues say yes, their hearts cry no, and call them liars."
•i^HARLES °-Mathla> (the same who was aftewards killed by his people.)— "Our old speaker was *Hicks. He has died, and left us as a father his children; but we have not forgotten his counsels. I was not at the treaty of Moultrie, but it was not made by children. Great men were the actors in it. That treaty is sacred. It stipulated that we should receive the annuity for twenty years, and enjoy she land defined to us. The time has not expired— when it does, then we can make a new bargain. There may be some slight causes of complaint between the white man and red, but they are not enemies. The whites complain of depredations. We have a law to punish offenders, which I have always endeavored to enforce against the people of my own town. As to the subject of removal, my under- standing was, that we were not to go till the end of the seven years remaining of the ten agreed upon at Moultrie. 1 hen we may be ready. Iam a full blood Indian, and never alter my wind. I adhere to my engagements, and will comply with them according to my understanding. When a man has a country in which he was born, and has there his house and home, where his children have always played about his yard, it becomes sacred to his heart, and it is hard to leave it. Our Father, the President, has repeat- edly said, he views and regards us as his children— and
of chapteMth300011111 °f Ch^ey °matkla and Hicks, see the early portion
CH. 3.] HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS. 59
Talk of the Seminole Chiefs continued.
does'nt he know that when a man is settled, with his little stock around him, he has some assurance of support for his little ones? But break him up and remove him, and they must he exposed to suffer! I wont complain of the Agent's talk as a bad talk. I was not dissatisfied with it, but my people are around me, and they feel that while they remain here, they can be happy with each other. They are not hungry for other lands, why should they go and hunt them? The country is very distant. It was with difficulty we, with firm health, reached it. How then would it be with the sickly and infirm? If the sound tree is uprooted by the spi- rit of the storm, can the decayed branches stand upright? When we went there, Major Phagan was the Agent, He was a man of violent passion. We often quarrelled on the way, and that has caused much of the difficulty. If I know myself, I have a good heart. My feelings are kind to all. I view you (the Agent) as a friend, but if we differ in opin- ion, / am a man, and have a right to express my sentiments. I feel gratified that you are our Agent. I am pleased with our first acquaintance, and hope there will be mutual satis- faction. I am done. We will meet in council to-night, and to-morrow we will talk again. May the Great Spirit smile, and the sun shine on us."
Before dismissing the Indians, the Agent addressed them with excited feelings, complaining that they had not an- swered his talk — that they had evaded the points submitted to them: and that he would not receive their talk of this day as a reply. Although in the view of white men, the circumstances may have justified the indignation exhibited and expressed by Gen. Thompson, yet to the untutored mind of the savage, it is not be wondered at, that his lan- guage fell with harshness upon their feelings, and that in his address they discovered more violence of passion than, in their minds, and according to their habits, comported with a deliberative occasion.
On the next dav? the Talk was again opened as follows.
by
Holati-Mico. — "As I said yesterday, we are children of the same Father. We are brothers, and should not quar- rel, and say hard things. I am sick and unable to express
60 HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS. [cH. 3. I
Talk of the Seminole Chiefs continned.
myself as I would wish, but others will give the Talk of my people. 7 am not excited. Our way of doing business is to proceed coolly and deliberately, and in a friendly man- ner. We have to represent in our Talk a great many peo- ple, for which reason we must proceed with care and thoughtful n ess. The people differ in their opinions, and they must be indulged with time to reflect. Time makes out of many little branching creeks that run different ways, one large river, the waters of which then flow smoothly all in one direction."
Miconopa. — "The Talk of yesterday is still the Talk of to-day. Our sentiments are unaltered. JVhen the twenty years from the date of the treaty of Moultrie are ended, we may consent to remove. Now we cannot do so. If suddenly we tear our hearts from the homes round which they are twined, our heart-strings will snap. By time, we may unbind the chords of affection — we cannot pluck them off* and they not break."
Jumper. — "Those of us who went to the West, consented: but the rest of the nation do not. The popular sentiment rejects it. We were called up to visit and view the land set apart for us. We went. The country is good, but the e is orreat. Our present habitation is poor, but still
ens
we prefer it. We are used to it, and habit has made it dear to us. It was our home when the game was plenty, and the corn high. If the deer have departed, and the corn tassels not, it is still our home, and therefore we love, we prefer it."
Agent told us yesterday, we had not answered his talk, and what we gave as a reply, could not be received. If we in- tended to go, then it would be proper the points be proposed to us should be decided upon. But why quarrel about di- viding the hind quarter, when we are not going to hunt. Why strain the water, when you are not thirsty. At Moultrie, I was not. At Payne's Landing, I was. The treaty there, was one of the white people's making. I agreed to go and see the country. I went. I got on board a strange vessel, where I had never been before. It made me sick, till my heart turned in me. I endured it, because
CH. 3.]
HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS.
61
Talk of the Seminole Chiefs continued.
my nation might be benefited by the result of the expedition; but how will not the women and children suffer in such a passage? When the men, the grown men and warriors, sunk, and their legs were as broken reeds. There were but few of us in the deputation. We were ill used by the Agent. We were abandoned when sick on the road. We were sometimes made to walk on foot. If the few on that expedition were exposed to such hardships and ill-usage on their journey, how much more suffering must there be. when the whole nation is moving in a body? If the heart is not big enough for tens, how can it contain hundreds? You have just come among us. You meet us in council now for the first time. Remain here with us, and be as a father to us, and let us be as your children. The relation of pa- rent and child to each other, is peace — it is soft and sweet as arrow-root and honey. The disorderly among us may have committed some depredations, but we have spilled no blood. Our hands are not stained with red, and need no water to wash them pure. At Moultrie, my head men and yours agreed that all ill feeling should be buried, and a lasting peace take place between us. The tomahawk was to be under ground, and the smoke of the calumet was to rest forever above it. We agreed that if we met with a brother's blood on the road, or even found Ins dead bodv, we should not believe it was by human violence, but that he had snagged his foot, or tjiat a tree had fallen upon him — that if biood was spilled by either, the blood of the of- fender should answer it. That we were ahvavs to meet as friends and brothers, without distinction of rank; and that if one was hungry, the other should share his bread with him. When a man calls another his iriend, let him he uoor or mean as he may, he ought to yield to him his rights,~aiid not say that he will judge for that other, and compel him to do as be pleases. Yet while you say you are our friend, you tell us we shall go to the West. " The half breed read and write, but what we know, is from nature. We drink in our knowledge from her, as our red lip grows white from a mother's milk. When our Headmen visited Washing- ton, the President and Secretary assured us we should not be disturbed in the enjoyment of the territory marked out to
b2 HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS. [CH. 3.
Talk of the Seminole Chiefs continued.
us, while we observed the stipulations of our treaty, We have done so! *
I love my white brothers, and feel no disposition to dis- please them. I am done! / am an Indian, and do not make long talks.
Powell.— The sentiment* of the nation have been express, ed. There is little more to be said! The People in Council have agreed; by their Chiefs they have uttered: it is well, it is truth, and must not be broken. When /make up my mind, I act. If I speak, what I say, I will do. Speak or no speak, what I resolve, that I execute. The nation have consulted, have declared, they should performr-what should be, shall be! There remains nothing worth words' If the hail rattles, let the flowers be crushed— the stately oak of the forest will lift its head to the sky and the storm, tow- ering and unscathed.
ISoTE.-For the substance of the foregoing talk, as well as for much in- erestmg information, we are indebted to the kind courtesy of our highly n- ^efkfriend' Dar^ LeY^Sq\ 0f ^Sustme, (E. F.) who is not on"y TvfnJ^ m°T ^hShtened' but also one of the most patriotic inhabitant ELJi i /f,duaS "° £entJeraan i§ more thoroughly imbued with a ripe knowledge of all the rich resources of that land, so none would experienc^ more pride and pleasure m developing its capabilities yet hidden to the 3 * M?T m0re at he?.rt lhue funhera^ of its permanent pros- T.lk^hnt /\LVWaSp/rent5ttbe a^ve Council, and took notes of the lalk, but as he has not favored us with any written account of the locale we , regre that (not then expecting to publish a book) we did not Jisien more a ttentively, as he described to us (while we were at Augustine) in his own eloquent and glowing terms, the beautiful scenery around the tran lucem and piacid spring, whereon was faithfully reflected the green foliage tha
fefetM °VLr and,ar0.Und * aknd wi?erein might be clearly discerned the iniest flsh, and each minutest object that sported at the bottom, all clothed m the blent hues of the o'erarehing sky-t he impending shrubbery and he transparent waters . Then the Council House and the* conference^viih- m-the excited Agent on one side, the calm Chiefs on the olher-the very dX'wu^ °neSto g»mbol-onthe grass and
% flVllu hQ flower-T'Thlle ?heir mothers' wirhthe warriors, crowd- ed the gallery or pressed about the council door-with the most intense vet subdued interest, catching every look as it gleamed from the countenance Zkean^g°TpYerTi \or6»shfl from the lip of the Headmen who epoke Then Powell-his eye calm, serious, fixed— his attitude manlv
S lrCt^S vh>fr,thin fnd,d°Se P;'essed lip, indicate
I"? f WhlCh he sPeauks-hl ■ ^ easy, yet restrained tread- Lee from all stride or swagger-his dignified and composed attitude-his perfect and solemn silence, except during his sententious talk-the head thrown backward, the arms firmly folded on the protruding chen-lll all instantaneously cha/iged5as by an electric touch, wheneTeMhe Agem .SL
CH. 8.] HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA INDIANS.
63
Talk of the Seminole Chiefs continued.
ted a proposition from which he (Powell) dissented. At such times, the fireflash of his indignant eye — the withering scorn upon his upcurled lip— - the violent and oft-repeated stamping of his foot— his clenched hand, and the rapid gesticulation of his uplifted arm — the short quick breathing, and the heave of the agitated bosom, like the rushing wind and swelling wave of ocean tempest tost — and these swiftly subsiding into the stillness of melancholy, (the very moment the Agent would correct his own error,) and presenting only that aspect and attitude of repose, wherewith the ancient statuary loved most to invest the gods and heroes of Greece,
CHAPTER IV.
INDIAN OUTRAGES.
[Causes of the Seminole War— John Hicks— Powell—Charles Omathla— General Clinch's demonstration on the Ouithlacoochee— slaughter of Gen. Thompson. Lieut, Constantine Smith, and others— massacre of 3Iajor Dade and his command— Indian depredations East of ihe St. Johns— murder of Woodruff and of Cooley's family— abduction of slaves — their fidelity to their owners.]
The Seminole War originated in the opposition of the Mecasukeans, and some hostile Chiefs of the Seminole na- tion, to the execution of the treaty of Payne's Landing. That treaty was negociated in the life time of John Hext, Hext, or Hicks, was the name given to him by the English, as he himself said, but his Indian name was Tuckasee E math la, or the groundmole- warrior, one who works by undermining. He was possessed of much talent, and of more wisdom and forecast than usually falls to the share of the red man. He was head chief of the Mecasuky tribe, and although recognizing the legitimacy of Mieonope as hereditary chief of the Seminole nation, he still, by his ta- lents, exercised so powerful a control over that legitimate, and the whole of the Seminoles, as to be, in fact, the reaj head of the nation. Hext early foresaw the impossibility of the Indians sustaining themselves in Florida, and the impracticability of their Stemming the current of white po- pulation, which was setting with a gulf-like velocity to- wards the extremities, the Capes, and the Keys of Florida. He was therefore the decided friend of emigration, and fa- vored the views of the General Government in locating the red men in some permanent home at the West, where in a territory of their own, they might be exempt from State in- terference, and be under the sole and uninterrupted control of the General Government. It was unquestionably, there- fore, much by the influence of this chief, backed by the ex- ertions of Charley Emathla, Holath Le Mathla, and Black Dirt, that the Commissioner, Col. Gadsden, succeeded in effecting a treaty, and seemingly without opposition. But
CH. 4.]
INDIAN OUTRAGES.
65
Death of John Hext — Powell— First Rupture.
one difficulty at that time interposed, and that was the per. sonal ignorance, on the part of the Indians, of the country to which they were to be removed, and this was remedied by a section, permitting a deputation to proceed West at the expense of the United States, to examine for themselves the region whither they were to migrate.
This deputation, or exploring party, at the head of which was John Hext, and with which was associated Ya-ha Hajo; or the Mad Wolf, (since killed by General Shelton) returned and reported most favorably of the country. Every preparation was therefore made for the execution of the treaty, conformably to its terms, and no apparent op- position was manifested by any one until after the death of John Hext. That old chief died early in the spring of the year 1835, almost immediately after which, symptoms of disaffection began to manifest themselves, and Oseola or Powell, who previous to that period was a young Tustenug- gee* of no known or extraordinary powers, began to dis- play abilities, which soon gave him, with the Mecasukeans, the mastery exercised by John Hext, and which unfortu- nately he began to wield with far different objects and views. Penetrating his designs. Major Fanning, commanding at Camp King, and in the absence of Gen. Thompson the Agent, had him arrested and put in irons. But the Agent, with a misplaced confidence in the sincerity of his profes- sions, had him released on his return to Fort King, for which he afterwards paid the forfeit. Scarcely was Powell released from confinement, before hostilities began to appear.
The first rupture which occurred between the Indians and whites, was near the Hog's Town Settlement, on the 19th June, 1835. It appears that a party of seven Indians, went out of their bounds clandestinely, for the purpose of hunting; after a short time they separated, and agreed to meet again on a certain day, and at a certain spot. Five of them having assembled according to agreement, they were met by a party of white men, who disarmed four of them, and flogged them with their cow whips. Whilst in the act of whipping the fifth, twTo other Indians made their appear-
*Tu8tenuggee, a sub-chief.
6*
66
INDIAN OUTRAGES.
[CH. 4.
Murder of Dalton, the Mail Carrier.
ance, who seeing what was going on, raised the war wrhoop and fired upon the whites. The fire -was returned, by which one Indian was killed, and another fatally wounded. Three of the whites were also wounded. On the receipt of in- formation at the Agency of what had transpired, General Thompson, the Agent, immediately summoned a council of all the chiefs, and laid the matter before them. They una- nimously disclaimed all knowledge of the transaction, and agreed to deliver up the culprits, to be dealt with according to the laws of the white men.
The statement of the Indians and whites agreed in all re- spects, except as to the number of Indians, the whites^ con- tending that there were fifteen or twenty. Five of the In- dians were confined.
On the evening of the 6th August, 1835, Dalton, a pri- vate soldier in the United States Army, who was employed in carrying the mail from Camp King to Tampa Bay, was met near the Hillsborough Bridge, by a party of six Meca- suky Indians. Dreaming of no evil, he approached them in a peaceable and friendly manner. One of them seized the bridle of his mule, and another shot him. He was scalped, and his bowels ripped open and thrown into a neighboring pond. The mule was also shot, and the con- tents of the mail, and the saddle and bridle taken off by the murderers. The reason assigned for this barbarous murder was, that the Indian who had been wounded in the skirmish near the Hog's Town Settlement, had returned amongst his relatives, and there died; they wanted a victim to satisfy their revenge, and this was the first they met with.
Upon the reception of this news at Camp King, Gen. Thompson, the Indian Agent, again convened the Chiefs, who promised to take measures to bring the offenders to justice. With this promise, however, they never complied. It was merely intended to delude the whites with a show of friendly dispositions, when they contemplated murder and rapine in their hearts. During this time, and for some time previous, they had been busily employed collecting arms and ammunition for the intended war. Their preparations had not been completed, and it was their object to gain time. This murder probably originated with those who
INDIAN OUTRAGES.
67
Murder of Charley O'Mathla.
perpetrated it, and it was the interest of the Chiefs for the present, at least, to disguise their motives, which had thus been developed by the precipitancy of a few turbulent spir- its. Powell himself visited some of the white settlements just before the commencement of hostilities, ostensibly with the intention of selling cattle and ponies, &c-3 and of laying in stores for his intended emigration to the West. His real motive was, no doubt, to ascertain their state of prepa- ration, and the opinions which they entertained. On his departure he shook hands with several that he knew, and bade them good bye. In this, as in all of his actions, man- ifesting the peculiar traits by which he is distinguished and characterized, the wily caution of the beast, who steals with noiseless step upon his prey.
Late in the month of September, Charley Omathla, a friendly Chief of great influence, was put to death. Char- ley had been out with a number of his friends collecting his cattle, for the sale which was to have taken place on the 1st November. 1835. Whilst on his return homeward, accompanied by his daughters, he was waylaid and shot by some of the Mecasuky tribe, led on by Powell. He was somewhat in advance of his party when killed — nine balls were found in his body. His friends immediately retreated towards the Agency, and a detachment of U. S. Troops was sent to protect the family and tribe of Charley Omath- la. It was afterwards ascertained that Powell fired the first gun. This cruel act was intended to intimidate those who were friendly to emigration, and to force them to unite with the hostiles, opposed to that measure. Xo doubt ma- ny who did not fly for protection to the white settlements or military posts, have been constrained to join in with the op- ponents of emigration.
On the reception of intelligence of the death of Charley Omathla, Gen. Thompson, the Agent, issued the following notice:
"To the public. — The Seminole Indians, hostile to emigra- tion, have, for the purpose of embarrassing the execution of the Treaty of Payne's Landing, concluded in 1832, mur- dered Charley Omathla, the most intelligent and enterprising Chief in the nation. They threaten to shoot any one who
by INDIAN OUTRAGES. [cH. 4,
Forces of Gen. Clinch — Attack on Mr. Rogers* house.
shall attempt to surrender Cattle according to the Treaty. The Indians in the northern part of the nation, friendly to emigration, are panic struck, and will not attempt to attend the contemplated sales. Under these circumstances, an indefinite postponement of the sales is unavoidable.
"The citizens are warned to consult their safety by guard- ing against Indian depredations.
"WILEY THOMPSON, Sup't. Sem. Re'l. "Seminole Agency, Flo. Nov. 30, 1835." Most of these incidents occured in the fall of the year, but Gen. Clinch, the commanding officer on that frontier, was induced, from the indications of the preceding spring and summer, to make such representations to the General Government, as ought to have insured the presence of an ad- equate military force, to overawe the savages, and compel a peaceable submission to the terms of the treaty. The Secretary of War reports, that fourteen companies were placed at the disposal of the General, but it is certain they were not there in time to prevent the disastrous consequen- ces which ensued.
Gen. Clinch had, at the time of the commencement of hostilities, not more than 250 regulars. That officer, in addition to the requisitions made on the government, called on the Executive of Florida for aid and troops. These troops were sent to Fort Drane late in November and early in December. With these and the regulars, being about 900 men, 650 militia and 250 regulars, Gen. Clinch made a demonstration on the Ouithlacoochee. Whilst he was mo- ving in the direction of that river, and on Monday, the 28th December, ten individuals, who were dining at the house of Mr. Erastus Rogers, were fired upon whilst sitting at table, by a party of Indians. The house was distant not more than 250 yards from the block house at Camp King. Mr. Rogers was sitting at the head of his table, the other gen- tlemen around it. The first intimation given of the pres- ence of the Indians, was a volley of shot, poured in upon them through the door. The Indians immediatelv rushed upon them; those who were not killed, sprang out of the windows on each side; five of them escaped; others, fleeing for a hammock close by, were shot and killed. Gen!
CH. 4.]
INDIAN OUTRAGES,
69
Murder of Gen. Thompson— Massacre of Major Dade's command.
Thompson, the Indian Agent, Lieut. Constantine Smith, U. S. Army, Erastus Rogers, Sutler, and Suggs and Hitz- ler, were slain. Gen. Thompson received fifteen balls through his body; it is said that one at least of these was from a rifle which he presented to Oseola. Thus fell the unfortunate Agent, a victim to his own misplaced confidence. These individuals were scalped, and their skulls beaten in. Suggs and Hitzler were dreadfulfy mangled. This deed was done in open daylight, and almost within gunshot of a block house, containing fifty U. S. soldiers. No blame, however, should attach to the officer in command, as he was in charge of a military post of some importance, and could form no estimate of the number of Indians. Indeed, they disappeared before he had time to make a sortie, even had he been so disposed to do.
In the course of events, it now becomes our painful duty to record one of the most melancholy and dreadful massa- cres ever perpetrated — that of the gallant Major Dade, and his command. On the morning of the 23d December,* the companies of Captains Gardiner and Frazer of the U. S. Army, consisting of fifty bayonets each, with one six poun- der, four oxen, one light wagon, and ten days provisions, were put on the march from Tampa Bay towards Camp King. The first halt of the command was at Hillsborough Bridge. Here Major Dade wrote to Major Belton, urging him by all means to forward the six pounder, it having been left four miles out, in consequence of the failure of the team. Three horses were purchased, with the necessary harness, and it joined the column that night.
The detachment pushed on the next morning, and no more was heard from it, until the 29th December, when John Thomas, one of the soldiers, returned, and on the 31st, Rawson Clarke. From the statement of these individuals, it appears that the Indians were prying about their Camp on the march. Clarke brought in a letter from Capt. Frazer to Major Mountford, which was fastened in a cleft stick, and stuck in a creek, urging him to push on, as they were beset every night. Entrenchments were formed nightly for the protection of the men. On the morning of the 28th, when about four hours march from the camp of the pre-
70
indiax outrages.
Statement of Rawson Clarke.
vious day, the detachment was attacked in an open pine barren by a large number of Indians. The enemy lav concealed in the high grass and saw palmetto, and com. menced with a most destructive fire, by which nearly the whole advance guard was cut down. " The gal'ant Dade who rode up to ascertain the cause of the firing, was shot trom his horse at the commencement of the fight It is said that he fell by the hands of Miconope. Cap=t. Frazer who also rode in advance, was next shot down. During this time, the Indians lay concealed. The men were or* dered to form themselves as Light Infantrv. each taking a tree, the cannon having been got ready, several discharges ot cannister were fired, which, together with a sharp ptav irom the muskets of the infantry, induced the enemy to re. tire, after killing and wounding half of the men. " Those who were able to work, cut down some pine trees, of which they erected a triangular pen for their protection. Thev had not, however, time to complete their fortification, before the enemy returned with a reinforcement. Being hemmed in on a 1 sides, they fought until nearly every man was either killed or wounded, when the Indians rushed in and overwhelmed them. Of the whole command, consisting of 112 men, only three escaped. For the particulars of this tale of horror, we refer to the following statement of Raw- son Clarke, one of the three soldiers who survived the hor. rid butchery.
Statement of Rawson Clarke.— After describing the earlv stages of the march, he thus proceeds:
"It was 8 o'clock. Suddenly I heard a rifle shot in the direction of the advanced guard, and this was immediately followed by a musket shot from that quarter. Captain Fra- ser had rode by me a moment before in that direction I never saw him afterwards. I had not time to think of the meaning of these shots, before a volley, as tf from a thou- sand rifles, was poured in upon us from the front, and all along our left flank. I looked around me, and it seemed as it 1 was the only one left standing in the ri^ht wing -Neither could I, until several other vollies had been fired at us, see an enemy— and when 1 did. I could only see their heads and arms peering out from the long grass, far and
CH* INDIAN OUTRAGES.
71
Statement of Rawson Clarke— continued.
near, and from behind the pine trees. The ground seemed to me an open pine barren, no hammock near that I could see. On our right, and a little to our rear, was a large pond of water some distance off. All around us were heavy pine trees, very open, particularly towards the left, and abounding with long high grass. The first fire of the In. dians was the most destructive, seemingly killing or disa- bling one half our men.
"We promptly threw ourselves behind trees, and opened a sharp fire of musketry. I, for one, never fired without see- ing my man, that is, his head and shoulders— the Indians chiefly fired lying or squatting in the grass. Lieut. Bassin- ger fired five or six pounds of cannister from the cannon. Inis appeared to frighten the Indians, and they retreated over a little hill to our left, one half or three quarters of a mile off, after having fired not more than 12 or 15 rounds. We immediately then began to fell trees, and erect a little triangular breastwork. Some of us went forward to gather the cartridge boxes from the dead, and to assist the wounded.
h.a° Major Dade fall to the ground by the first volley, and Ins horse dashed into the midst of the enemv. Whilst gathering the cartridges, I saw Lieut. Mudge sitting with Ins back reclining against a tree— his head fallen, and evi- dsntiy dying. I spoke to him, but lie did not answer. The interpreter, Louis, it is said, fell by the first fire. [We have since learned that this fellow shammed death— that his life was afterwards spared through the intercession of the Chief, Jumper, and that being an educated negro, he read all the despatches and letters that were found about the dead, to the victors.]
**We had barely raised our breast work knee high, when we again saw the Indians advancing in great numbers over tne hill to our left. They came on boldly till within a long musket shot, when they spread themselves from tree to tree to surround us. We immediately extended as Light Infantry, covering ourselves by the trees, and opening a brisk fire from cannon and musketry. The former I dont think could have done much mischief, the Indians were so scattered.
"Capt. Gardner, Lieut. Bassinger, and Dr. Gatlin, were
72
INDIAN OUTRAGES.
[CH. 4.
Statement of Rawson Clarke — continued.
the only officers left unhurt by the volley which killed Col. Dade. Lieut. Henderson had his left arm broken, but he continued to load his musket and to fire it, resting on the stump, until he was finally shot down towards the close of the second attack, and during the day he kept up his spirits and cheered the men. Lieut. Keyes had both his arms broken in the first attack; they were bound up and slung in a handkerchief, and he sat for the remainder of the day, until he was killed, reclining against the breastwork — his head often reposing upon it — regardless of every thing that was passing around him.
"Our men were by degrees all cut down. We had maintained a steady fight from 8 until 2 P. M. or therea- bouts, and allowing three quarters of an hour interval be- tween the first and second attack, had been pretty busily engaged for more than 5 hours. Lieut. B. was the only officer left alive, and he severely wounded. He told me as the Indians approached to lay down and feign myself dead. I looked through the logs, and saw the savages approaching in great numbers. A heavy made Indian, of middle sta- ture, painted down to the waist, (corresponding in descrip- tion to Miconope) seemed to be the Chief. He made them a speech, frequently pointing to the breastwork. At length, they charged into the work; there was none to offer resist- ance, and they did not seem to suspect the wounded beino- alive — offering no indignity, but stepping about careiully, quietly stripping off our accoutrements, and carrying away our arms. They then retired in a body in the direction from whence they came.
"Immediately upon their retreat, forty or fifty negroes on horseback galloped up and alighted, tied their beasts, and commenced with horrid shouts and yells the butchery of the wounded, together with an indiscrimate plunder, strip- ping the bodies of the dead of clothing, watches and mo- ney, and splitting open the heads of all who showed the least sign of life, with their axes and knives, and accompa- nying their bloody work with obscene and taunting deri- sions, and with frequent cries of "what have you got to sell?'7
"Lieut. B. hearing the negroes butchering the wounded, at length sprang up, and asked them to spare his life. They
CH. 4.J
INDIAN OUTRAGES.
Statement of Rawson Clarke — continued.
met him with the blows of their axes, and their fiendish laughter. Having been wounded in five different places myself. I was pretty well covered with blood, and two scratches that I had received on my head, gave to me the appearance of having been shot through the brain, for the negroes, after catching me up by the heels, threw me
down, saying <;d n him, he's dead enough!" They
then stripped me of my clothes, shoes and hat, and left me. After stripping all the dead in this manner, they trundled off the cannon in the direction the Indians had gone, and went away. I saw them first shoot down the oxen in their gear, and burn the wagon.
"'One of the other soldiers who escaped, savs they threw the cannon into the pond, and burned its carriage also. Shortly after the negroes went away, one Wilson, of Cant. G's. company, crept from under some of the dead bodies, and hardly seemed to be hurt at all. He asked me to <*o with him back to the Fort, and I was going to folluw him, when, as he jumped over the breastwork, an Indian sprang from behind a tree and shot him down. I then lay quiet until 9 o'clock that night, when D. Cony, the only living soul beside myself: and I started, upon our journey. We knew it was nearest to go to Fort King, but we ' did not know the way, and we had seen the enemies retreat in that direction. As I came out, I saw Dr. G. lying stripped amongst the dead. The last I saw of him whilst living, was kneeling behind the breast-work, with two double bar- rel guns by him, and he said, "Well, I have got four bar- rels for them!" Capt. G. after being severely wounded, cried out, "I can give you no more orders, my lads, do your best!" I last saw a negro spurn his body, saying with an oath, "that's one of their officers-" (G. was dressed in soldier's clothes.)
"My comrade and myself got along quite well until the next day, when we met an Indian on horseback, and with a rifle, coming up the road. — Our only chance was to se- parate— we did so. I took the right, and he the left of the road. The Indian pursued him. Shortly afterwards I heard a rifle shot, and a little after another. I concealed myself among some scrub and saw palmetto, and after
74
INDIAN OUTRAGES.
[CH. 4
Report of Capt. Hitchcock.
awhile saw the Indian pass, looking for me. Suddenly, however, he put spurs to his horse, and went off at a gallop towards the road.
"I made something of a circuit before I struck the beat- en track again. That night I was a good deal annoyed by the wolves, who had scented my blood, and came very close to me; the next day, the 30th, I reached the Fort."
This statement appears to be correct in most respects. Subsequently, Gen. Gaines's army passed the spot, and found the dead lying in the position in which they had been left by the enemy. Clarke was however mistaken, in regard to the dead having been stripped. They were pro- bably despoiled of their arms, accoutrements, blankets and great coats, but not of their watches and money, as will ap- pear from the following report of Capt. Hitchcock.
"Western Department, ) Fort King, Florida, Feb. 22, 1836. \
"'General — Agreeably to your directions, I observed the battle gronnd six or seven miles north of the Withlacoo- chee River, where Major Dade and his command were de- stroyed by the Seminole Indians, on the 28th December last, and have the honor to submit the following Report.
"The force under your command, which arrived at this post to-day from Tampa Bay, encamped on the 19th in- stant, on the ground occupied by Major Dade on the night of the 27th December. He and his party were destroyed on the morning of the 28th, about four miles in advance of that position. He was advancing towards this post, and was attacked from the north, so that on the 20th instant we came upon the rear of his battle ground, about nine o'clock in the morning. Our advanced guard had passed the ground without halting, when the General and his Staff came upon one of the most appalling scenes that can be imagined. We first saw some broken and scattered bones: then a cart, the two oxen of which were lying dead, as if they had fallen asleep, their yokes still on them; a little to the right, one or two horses were seen. We then came to a small enclosure, made by felling trees in such a manner as to form a triangular breast- work for defence. Within the triangle, along the north and west faces of it, were about
CH. 4.] INDIAN OUTRAGES. 75
Report of Captain Hitchcock.
thirty bodies, mostly mare skeletons, although much of the clothing was left upon them. These were lying, every one of them, in precisely the same position they must have oc- cupied during the fight; their heads next to the logs over which they had delivered their fire, and their bodies stretched with striking regularity parallel to each other. They had evi- dently been shot dead at their posts, and the Indians had not disturbed them, except by taking the scalps of most of them. Passing this little breast-work, we found other bodies along the road, and by the side of the road, generally behind trees, which had been resorted to for covers from the enemies' fire. Advancing about two hundred yards farther, we found a cluster of bodies in the middle of the road. They were evidently the advanced guard, in the rear of which was the body of Major Dade, and to the right that of Capt. Prase r.
"These were doubtless all shot down by the first fire of the Indians, except, perhaps, Capt. Fraser, who must how- ever have fallen very early in the fight. Those in the road, and by the trees, fell during the first attack. It was during a cessation of the fire, that the little band still re- maining, about thirty in number, threw up the triangular breast-work, which, trom the haste with which it was con- structed, was necessarily defective, and could not protect the men in the second attack.
"We had with us many of the personal friends of the of- ficers of Major Dade's command, and it is gratifying to be able to state, that every officer was identified by undoubted evidence. They were buried, and the cannon, a six pound- er, that the Indians had thrown into a swamp, was recover- ed and placed vertically at the head of the grave, where it is to be hoped it will long remain. The bodies of the non- commissioned officers and privates were buried in two graves, and it was found that every man was accounted for. The command was composed of eight officers, and one hun- dred and two non-commissioned officers and privates. The bodies of eight officers and ninety-eight men were interred, four men having escaped; three of whom reached Tampa Bay; the fourth was killed the day after the battle.
"It may be proper to remark, that the attack was not made
i0 INDIAN OUTRAGES. CH. 4.
Other accounts of Dade's Massacre.
from a hammock, but in a thinly wooded country; the In- dians being concealed by palmetto and grass,, which has since been burned.
"The two companies were Capt. Eraser's of the 3d Artil- lery, and Capt. Gardiner's of the 2d Artillery. The offi- cers were, Major Dade of the 4th Infantry, Captains Fra- ser and Gardiner, Second Lieut. Bassinger, Brevet Second Lieutenants ft. Henderson, Mudge and Reals, of the Ar- tillery, and Dr. J. S. Gatlin.
'•I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, vour obe- dient servant, E. A. HITCHCOCK,
Captain 1st Infantry, Act. In. General. Major General E. P. Gaines,
Commanding Western Department, Fort King, Florida. " A negro who had been captured by the Indians, subse- quently making his escape, came to Augustine, and stated that he was at Powell's camp when expresses arrived with the news of this massacre. The Indians stated that they had been fighting all day, and had killed 200 whites, taken a big gun, and lost 100 men themselves. After the first at- tack, when they retreated, it was with great difficulty that the chiefs induced them to renew the assault. Jumper and Alligator upbraided them with their timidity and taunt- ingly asked them if they were drunk, sick, or women, to be afraid of a few white men. Their councils finally pre- vailed.
Any one who has travelled, as we have done, the road from Tampa Bay to Camp King, will perhaps wonder why the Indians selected an open pine barren for their attack, in preference to the thick hammocks which skirt the Hillsbo- rough and Ouithlacoochee rivers. We think it can be ea- sily explained. Powell, by his spies, had perhaps been in- formed of the movement of Dade's command, and sent, a large force to cut them off, before they could form a junction with Clinch. Had the attack been made in the hammock, a number of the whites would have escaped un- der shelter of the woods. The object of the Seminoles was to destroy every man. Possessing, as they did, an over- whelming force, they would neither attack in these positions, nor attempt to surprise the camp at night, when the troops
CH. 4.] INDIAN OUTRAGES. 77
Major Dade and Capuain Gardiner.
were well protected, and might have held out against a thousand Indians, or destroyed a large msm be r of them. In the pine barren, the red men fought at equal and great- er advantage, whilst all chances of retreat for the pale faces was cut off. We may account for the omission to plunder the dead in the following manner. Qseola was hourly expecting an attack from Clinch, and no doubt had ordered his men to rendezvous on the Ouithlacoochee at a given time. This party probably constituted the reinforce- ment which came up late in the battle.
There is a circumstance of peculiar interest connected with this affair, which, as it redounds to the honor of those concerned, we must not omit to record.
Lieut. B. Alvord, of Major Dade's company, which was left behind at Fort Brooke, writes to Lieut. R, C. Bucha- nan, the Adjutant of the 4th Infantry, at Xew Orleans: —
"Major Dade took command of this detachment under circumstances which reflect upon him the highest honor. Capt. F. S. Belton, of the 2d Artillery, commands hero. Gen. Clinch had ordered the commanding officer at thi post, to detach there two companies on their arrival. They arrived several weeks since, but being very weak, and the other companies ordered not having arrived, the accounts received at this time, of the hostile intentions of the In- dians, were such as to induce Capt. B. to postpone the march. On the arrival of our company from Key West, the two companies were strengthened from the whole com- mand, so as to make them 100 strong. Mrs. Gardiner was exceedingly ill, audit wTas supposed that if her husband left, she would not live. Nevertheless, Capt. Gardiner, (who was to command the detachment) prepared to go, and at reveille on the morning of the 23d, he mounted his horse in front of the detachment which was about to start. Ma- jor Dade made a proposition to the commanding officer to take Capt. G's. place, on account of the situation of Mrs. G. The proposition was accepted, and the command com- menced its march. Before they proceeded many miles, Capt. G. ascertained that the U. S. schooner Motto was about to sail for Key West, for the purpose of bringing two twelve pounders from that post, ammunition, &c. His cMU 7*
m INDIAN OUTRAGES, CH. 4.J
Outrages on the East of the St. John's.
dren, with their grandfather, were already there, and he concluded to send Mrs. G. to Key West in the Motto, and thus gratify his earnest desire to go with his company; (and on joining his company, the relation in which he stood to Major Dade, of course induced him not to demur to his con- tinuing in command, and proceeding to Fort King) — they took along a six pounder, from the belief that it would pro- duce a panic among the savages. But they seemed to have assembled in such numbers, as to render the stout de- fence of the unfortunate troops quite unavailing. One hun- dred of the Indians are said to have been mounted."
Thus perished the gallant Dade and his command, by the hands of a cruel and savage foe. Their death is unavenged, but their fate has excited a deep and lasting interest In the minds of their countrymen.* They have descended to their oloody graves mourned and regretted by all. And though t ie solitude of nature reigns around their place of rest, it is to be hoped they will not sleep unhonored1 and unsung; but that a nation's sympathies may erect some enduring memo- rial, which shall mark the scene of their sufTering,°and re- cord the virtues of these martyrs in their country's cause,
Whilst these incidents were passing on the west of the St. John's River, the Indians on the east side were not idle, but extended their ravages from Cape Florida, almost to the gates of St. Augustine. The red men composing the band who destroyed the settlements along the Atlantic coast, are under the direction of an old chief named Philip, who resides at Topkoliky. There is a large lake, containing a number of islands, upon the largest of which Philip is es- tablished. This island is surrounded with water so deep, that it cannot be forded, except in one place, nor can if be approached from any point without discovery* Here the old chief resides, with his women, children, old men and ne- groes, attending to the cultivation of his crops, whilst his warriors are marauding about the country. The negroes are compelled to work under the supervision of urmed^sen-
*With a fine feeling, that does infinite honor to their heads and hearts the Legislative Council of the Territory have recently created a new Coun- ty, and denominated it Dade County. It is located on the Map which I nave prepared for my book.
CH. 4.]
INDIAN OUTRAGES.
79
Massacres — Mr. Cooley's family.
tinels, and should any of them attempt to escape, they are shot. This tribe numbers from 250 to 300 warriors, and perhaps as many negroes. From the rapidity with which the plantations were destroyed, it is evident that they must have divided themselves into parties of from 30 to 50, so as to extend themselves over the countrv, almost simultaneous-
On the morning of the 25th December, Mr. Henry Woodruff, who was riding between Spring Garden and Vo- lusia, was waylaid, shot and scalped, by a party of Indians. It is said that he was killed by McKenzie, the son of a half breed of that name. About the same time, Messrs. Lenovar and Hatch were killed near Picolata. On the 6th of January, whilst Mr. Cooly was from home, a partv of about thirty Indians made an attack upon his famil}% settled at New River, about 12 miles from Cape Florida. They murdered his wife, three children, and a Mr. Flinton, who was employed as their teacher. The children were sitting in the hall, getting their lessons, when the Indians came up by stealth, and shot them down. Flinton wras killed on the threshold of the door; the little girl about eleven years old was found dead, with her book in her hand. As soon as the firing commenced. Mrs. Cooly snatched up her infant child, and endeavored to effect their escape by a back way. She was shot at a distance of about one hundred and fifty yards from the house, the ball entered between her shoulders, and after passing through her breast, broke the arm of the child which was cradled on her bosom. The little boy, about eight or nine years of agef was found in the yard with his skull and arm fractured, proba- bly done with a billet of wood. Having destroyed all of the white inhabitants, they shot the cattle, plundered the house of property worth from one thousand to twelve hun- dred dollars: took away two negroes, and all the horses, and finally set fire to the house.
The circumstances attending the murder of Mr. Gooiy's family, are w7ell calculated to illustrate the treachery of the Indian character. He had resided among them for many- years, spoke their language well, and treated them with uni- form kindness and hospitality. Indeed, such was his
80
INDIAN OUTRAGES. . [cfi. 4,
Destruction of property on the Keys and Plantations.
friendship for them, that he named two of his sons after their chiefs Alnomock and Montezuma. His wife had once been a captive among them, and was esteemed a great favorite. Standing in this relation, and confiding in "their professions of friendship, which lulled him into a fatal se- curity, he left his home for a few days, and returned to find it desolate. It is a remarkable fact, that the villains who perpetrated the deed of death, had not the hardihood to scalp the poor mother and her three innocent children. Was it the the recollection of former friendship, that induced them thus to spare? Or were they conscious that their own savage col- leagues would have blushed for the chivalry of those war- riors, who could find no work more befitting their toma- hawks and scalping knives, than the cruel butchery of wo- men and children. Did they fear that some chief, more feeling than the rest, would ask,
" Oh wherefore strike the beautiful, the youn«- So innocent, nnharming. Lift the knife, &' If need be. gainst the warrior; but forbear The trembling woman."
The unfortunate schoolmaster shared a different fate. To him they owed no obligations of friendship, he was a man, and as such, capable of resistance; his scalp was therefore torn from him, and borne off as a testimony of their savage triumph.
The families which resided in the neighborhood, were fortunately apprised of what was going on, and effected their flight to Cape Florida. Mrs. Rigby, her two daugh- ters, and son, ran through the bushes and mangrove swamps, a distance of twelve miles. When thev arrived at the Cape, they were without shoes, and almost naked: their clothes having been torn to pieces by the bushes in their course. From fifty to sixty men, women and children has- tened to the light house on Key Biscavne, where a stand was made for one or two days, but provisions being short, they were compelled to retire upon Indian Kev, accompa- nied by Mr. Dubose, the keeper of the light, and his family. 1 he plantations extending from Cape Florida to Augus- tine, were visited in turn, and nearly all the buildings, including the sugar mills, were destroyed. It is esli-
CH. 4.]
INDIAN OUTRAGES.
-1
Fidelity of the Slaves.
mated that property to the amount of two hundred thousand dollars was burnt in one week. The houses of the plant- ers were plundered, and every thing of value carried off. Nothing was left except the storehouses containing corn and provisions; these were reserved by the Indians for their own consumption. Independently of this destruction of property, the loss to some of the planters was ruinous, in respect to their negroes; upwards of three hundred having been carried off; Col. Rees alone lost about one hundred auU sixty. And here we cannot but remark, in terms of high commendation, the fidelity of some of the slaves to their masters. Ya-ha-Hairo and Abraham the black had been round to all the plantations, some time previous to the commencement of hostilities, and endeavored to seduce them from their allegiance to their owners, with promises of liberty and plunder. With but few, very few excep- tions, they rejected the overtures, and voluntarily preferred the condition in which fate or providence had placed them. In several instances, after being captured by the Indians, they escaped at the risk of being shot, and returned to the whues. They also apprised their owners of the approach of danger, and frequently enabled them to escape. Some of them took up arms, and others who were acquainted wit|( the country, officiated as guides. The negroes of Gen. Hernandez, and of Mr. Dupont, were singularly distin- guished for their truth and fidelity to their owners. To such 'examples as these, we may proudly point those misguided men, who are urging upon the public their schemes of mis- taken benevolence. A vast majority of our colored popu- lation, are attached to their owners from motives of grati- tude and affection, and neither ask nor seek for an interfer- ence which can do them no possible good. The "pale face'5 will find, as did the dark Yemassee of yore, and the red man of our day, that the relation of owner and owned at the South, is that of the protector and the protected— the kind, the indulgent master — the fond, the faithful servant.
CHAPTER V.
DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS.
j Battle of Ouithlacoochee— movements of Gen. Hernandez—battle of Dun- la wton-— Gen. Gaines's movements— arrives at Tampa— passes the spot ot Dade's massacre, and buries the dead—proceeds to Camp King, and thence attempts to return upon Tampa by Gen. Clinch's battle ground- endeavors to cross the Ouithlacoochee — sends express to Clinch- Lieut. Izard killed— the Indians cross the river, and attack Gen. Gaines m his trenches— an armistice and interview with Oseola. interrupted by the arrival of Gen. Clinch, and retreat of Indians— Gen. Gaines re- turns to Camp King— turns over his command to Clinch, and repairs to the western frontier.]
On Monday, the 31st December, Gen. Clinch crossed the Ouithlacoochee, about twenty miles from its mouth, with his regular troops, having but a single canoe, with which to effect his passage. The volunteers prepared to follow; but whether from the noise made in attempting to force their horses into the river, or from some other cause, the Indians (encamped about a mile distant, and who otherwise might have been surprised) were made acquainted with their po- sition, and immediately repaired to the scene of action. Their attack upon the regulars, who, awaiting the junction of the volunteers, were rather at their ease, many of them reclining and asleep, was vigorous and desperate/ At this period but few volunteers had reached that bank, and many who had crossed, having swam their horses, were stripped and unarmed, They had to re-cross for both clothing and military accoutrements. Almost however at the same in- stant with the attack upon the regulars, some shots were fired from the opposite bank upon the volunteers, and the word having been given that the Indians had passed, or were passing the river, induced the commanding General of militia promptly to form for action on that bank. This movement, although very natural and correct, proved a mistake, as the Indians still remained in force on the oppo- site bank, and were pouring their fire with a deadly aim on Clinch's little band of regulars and twenty-seven volunteers. They sustained themselves gallantly, and having repulsed
CH. 5.] DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS. 83
Gen. Clinch recrosses the Ouithlacoochee — his Official Report.
the enemy, and driven them back into the hammock from whence they had at first issued, the General re-crossed with his force the Ouithlacoochee, and retired upon Fort Drane. There it was ascertained that most of the volun- teers had been enlisted "but for a very limited period; in some instances but for three weeks. So confident were their commanders, that even within that period, they could annihilate the Seminoles. Indeed, it has been correctly re- ported, that many who volunteered, believed it a frolic, in which there would be little or no fighting, the Indians sub- mitting on their approach. Fatal mistake! this premature and unpremeditated attack, with the immediate withdrawal of the volunteers, emboldened the Indian, previously dis- trustful of his powers, and led to consequences the most fa- tal to the future, as the best season for operations had been encroached upon.
The following is the Official Report of General Clinch:— "Head Quarters, Territory of Florida, ) Fort Drane, Jan. 4, 1836. )
"Sir — On the 24th ultimo, Brigadier General Call, com- manding the volunteers called into service by order of his Excellency G. R. Walker, Acting Governor of Florida, formed a junction with the regular troops at this post, and informed me that his command had been raised to meet the crisis; that most of their terms of service would expire in a few days, which made it necessary to act promptly. Two large detachments were sent out on the 15th, to scour the country on our right and left flank. Lieut. Col. Fanning, with three companies from Fort King, arrived on the 27th; and on the 29th, the detachment having returned, the Bri- gade of Mounted Volunteers, composed of the 1st and 2d regiments commanded by Brigadier General Call, and a battalion of regular troops commanded by Lieut. Col. Fan- ning, took up the line of march for a point on the Ouithlacoo- chee River, which was represented by our guides as being a good ford. About 4 o'clock on the morning of the 31st, after leaving all our baggage, provisions, &c. protected by a guard commanded by Lieut. Dancy, we pushed on with a view of carrying the ford, and of surprising the main body of Indians, supposed to be concentrated on the west bank
84 DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS. fell. 5.
Battle of OuitMacoochee.
of the river, but on reaching it, about day-light, we found, instead of a good ford, a deep and rapid' stream, and no means of crossing, except in an old and damaged canoe. Lieut. Col. Fanning, however, soon succeeded in crossing' the regular troops took a position in advance, whilst Bri|.' Gen. Call was actively engaged in crossing his brigade', and in having their horses swam over the river. But be- fore one half had crossed, the battalion of regulars, consist- ing of about two hundred men, were attacked by the enemy, who were strongly posted in the swamp and scrub which extended from the river. This IMe band, however, aided by Col. Warren, Major Cooper and Lieut. Yeoman, with twenty-seven volunteers, met the attack of a savage ene- my, nearly three times their number, headed by the Chief Oseola, with Spartan valor. The action lasted nearly m hour, during which time the troops madv three brilliant charges into the swamp and scrub, and drove the enemy in every direction; and after the third charge, although nearly one-third their number had been cut down, they were found sufficiently firm and steady to fortify the formation of a new line of battle, which gave entire protection to the flanks, as wen as to the position selected for re-crossing the troops. Bng. Gen. Call, after using every effort to induce the vo- lunteers remaining on the east bank, when the action com- menced, to cross the river, and in arranging the troops still remaining on that bank, crossed over and rendered impor. tant service by his coolness and judgment in arranging part of his corps on the right of the regulars, which save much strength and security to that flank. Lieut. Col. Fannin* displayed the greatest firmness throughout the action, and added much to the high reputation long since established. Captains Drane and Mellon exhibited great bravery and judgment, and likewise added to the character they acquired in the late war. Nor was Capt. Gates wanting in firmness. Capt. Wm. M. Graham, 4th Infantry, was fearlessly brave, and although, severely wounded early in the engagement, continued to head his company in the most gallant manner' until he received another severe wound, when he was ta- ken from the field. His brother, Lieutenant Campbell Gra- ham, commanding adjacent company, was likewise severe -
CH. 5.] DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS. 85
Battle of Ouithlacoochee.
If wounded early in the fight, but continued with his men,, till another wound forced him, from loss of blood, to retire from the field. Lieutenant Maitland, who commanded a company, contributed much, by his gallantry, to encourage his men. Lieutenants Talcot, Capron, John Graham, Ridgely, (who was wounded early in the action) and Brooks, all displayed great courage and coolness through- out the action. When almost every non-commissioned of- ficer and private exhibited such firmness, it was almost im- possible to discriminate between them; but the Com. Gene- ral cannot withhold his high approbation of the judgment and courage displayed by Serg't. Johnson, of H. company, 3d Artillery, on whom the command of the company de- volved, after Lieut. Graham was removed from the field; and who, although severely wounded, continued at the head of 'a company till the action was over. Also, of Sergeants Kenton and Lofton, and Corporal Paget, 4th Infantry — Sergeants Scofield and Potter, D. company, 2d Artillery- Sergeant Smith, C. company, 1st Artillery, and Corporal Chapin, C. -company, 3d Artillery. Col. John Warren, Commandant 1st Regiment Volunteers, Major Cooper, and Lieut. Yeoman, of same corps, who had formed on the left flank, were all severely wounded, while leading their little band to the charge; and all behaved with great bravery, as well as Adjutant Phillips. Lieutenant Col. Mills displayed great coolness and judgment during the action, and in re- crossing the river with his command. Lieutenants Stew- art and Hunter, of the 2d Regiment, with a few men of that regiment, were judiciously posted on the right, and from their reputation for firmness, would have given a good account of the enemy, had he made his appearance in that quarter. Col. Parkhill of the F. Volunteers, who perform- ed the duties of Adjutant General, displayed much military skill, and the utmost coolness and courage throughout the whole action; and his services were of the first importance. Col. Reid, Inspector General, displayed much firmness, but he had his horse shot, and received a slight wound early in the engagement, and was sent with orders to the volunteers. My volunteer Aid, Major Lytle, and Major Welford, Aid to Brigadier General Call, were near me throughout the ac- * 8
86 DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS. [cH. 5.
Battle of Ouithlacoochee.
tion, and displayed the most intrepid courage and coolness* Col. J H. M'Intosh, one of my aids, and Major Gamble Aid to General Call, both displayed much 'firmness and cou- rage, and were actively employed on the left flank. I also feel it due to Lieut. Col. Bailey, Capt. Scott, and Lieutenant Cuthbeit, to say, that although the action was nearly over, before they could cross the river with a few of the 2d Re- giment, they took a judicious position, and showed much firmness. Capt. Wyatt, of the same corps, was entirely employed in erecting a temporary bridg, and manifested much firmness. Much credit is also dee to the medical de- partment, composed of Drs. Waitraan, Hamilton, Randolph and Bradon, for their activity and attention to the wounded.
"The term of service of the volunteers having expired, and most of them having expressed an unwillingness to re- main longer in service, it was considered best, after remov- ing the dead, and taking care of the wounded, to return to this post, winch we reached on the 2d instant, without the least interruption, and on the following day the Volunteers from Middle Florida took up the line of march for Talla- hassee, and this morning those from East Florida proceeded to their respective homes, leaving me a very few men to guard this extensive frontier. I am now fully convinced, that there has been a great defection among the Florida In- dians, and that a great many Creeks have united with them, consequently it will require a strong force to put them down.
"I also have the honor to enclose you a list of the killed and wounded of the respective regiments and corps. I am, Sir, with high respect,
Your most obedient,
D. J. CLINCH. B. B. General U. S. Army, Commanding. R. Jones, Adj't. Gen. U. S. Army."
Soon after the departure of Col. Warren for Foil Drane. intelligence reached Gen. Hernandez at St. Augustine, that a large body of Indians belonging to the tribe of Phil- ip, and headed by an Indian negro slave, by the name of John Cassar, had concentrated themselves near the planta-
CH. 5.] DEMONSTRATION AGAINST THE INDIANS.
87
Operations of Gen. Hernandez.
tion of David Dunham, Esq., at Mosquito — that they evinced a disposition to be hostile, and had been tampering with the negroes, particularly those on the plantations of Messrs. Cruger and Depeyster. On receiving this infor- mation, Gen. Hernandez, then in command of the 2d Bri- gade of Florida Militia, issued his General Order, No. 1, requiring the 2d Regiment under the command of Col. Jos. S. Sanchez, to be embodied forthwith, and to hold them, selves in readiness to take the field. On the 10th Novem- ber, General Order No. 2, was issued, declaring that the Eastern district of Florida was invaded by the savage foe, and although he (Gen. H.) was not instructed by the Gov- ernor of the Territory, nor the U. S. Government, to call out the troops of his brigade for the defence of the country; yet from the present alarming prospect of an Indian war, and^the exigency of the case, he felt it his duty to do so, in accordance with the authority vested in him by the laws of the Territory. It was therefore his intention to prosecute the war with the greatest activity, and to check, if possible, the threatened destruction of lives and property. On or about the 20th November, General Order No. 3 was pro- mulgated, commanding Col. Jos. S. Sanchez to detail from his Regiment, Companies A. B. C. & D. Companies B. & C. being mounted men, under the command of Captains Dummett and Williams, were ordered to scour the country, from the head of Matanzas river, as far South as Mosquito, and thence to the St. John's River or Spring Garden, Com- pany A. a volunteer corps, called the St. Augustine Guards, commanded by Capt. K. B. Gibbes, was ordered to take post at the plantation of Darley, and to co-operate with Cap- tains Dummett and Williams, as circumstances might re- quire— the whole force being placed under the immediate command ot Major Putnam. Company D. commanded by Capt. Keogh, was ordered to Picolata, on the St. John's River,. for the protection of the U. S. Military Stores at that place.
Whilst these preparations to meet the enemy were on foot, intelligence reached St. Augustine that John Csesar, with his party of about 200 Indians, had set fire to the ele- gant mansion of Mr. Dunham, at Mosquito, and that it was
DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS. [CH. 5.
Operations of Gen. Hernandez.
in flames when the express left. This information induced the several commanders to equip their companies with all possible despatch. It was a melancholy sight, however, to see how miserably these troops were provided with the ne- cessary equipments for a winter campaign, whenfTrom the nature and geography of the country, they were to encoun- ter great exposure and fatigue. This want of proper mu- nition for the militia of Florida, must, however, be attribu- ted to the unexpected commencement of hostilities, and to the impossibility of procuring fit supplies at St. Augus- tine. ^ Gen. Hernandez was under the necessity, therefore, of making out for the present with such articles as the place afforded, and marched off the troops with as little delay as possible.
About the 13th November, Capt. Keogh took up the line of march for Picolata, and in a day or two after, Major Putnam embarked with the Augustine Guards, for Darley's Plantation. So rapid were the movements of the Indians in their devastations, that in four or five days after the burn- ing of Dunham's house, and before Major Putnam could reach Darley's, they had burnt and destroyed the Sugar plantation of Messrs. Cruger and Depeyster, and taken their negroes, about 45 in number, prisoners. The mills and houses of CoL Rees, at Spring Garden, were also destroy- ed, and his negroes, together with those of the estate of Woodruff, Alexander Forrester, and Joseph Woodruff, amounting in all to about 180, were carried off. The Sugar plantation and negroes of Mr. Heriot, about 80 in number, shared a similar fate. With these negroes, amount- ing to more than 300, and all the plunder and provisions which they could collect, they moved off to their town at Tohopkeleky.
Gen. Hernandez was induced by these alarming events, personally to take the field, and to assume command of the troops in that quarter, leaving Col. Jos. S. Sanchez in charge at St. Augustine. He left Augustine, attended by his aids, and an escort of about twenty mounted men, who vol- unteered for the occasion. After visiting the different posts in his route, he took up his head quarters at Darley's, where h e found Major Putnam encamped. The intelligence concern -
CH. 5.] DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS. 89
Murder of Llenovar.
ing the Indian depredations having been confirmed by Ma- jor Putnam, (who had in his possession a negro slave be- longing to Cruger & Depeyster, named Castalio, and who had been recaptured from the Indians by Capt. Dummett; and the same negro having further stated that it was the in- tention of John Caesar to return and carry off the provi- sions which had been left at the different plantations) an immediate pursuit was resolved upon. At daylight the next morning, the General started, accompanied by his es- cort, a portion of Major Putnam's Company, and Captain Dummett 's corps of mounted men. The Infantry was or- dered to scour the banks of the Halifax River, and the mounted men to penetrate the interior. The General's ex- ertions, however, proved unavailing; the enemy had fled far beyond his reach, and the pursuit was commenced about two days too late. Recent traces of the Indians were how- ever discovered; the smoking ruins, sugar works demolish- ed, and the huge masses of shattered brick and stone work, the wrecks of Indian barbarity, marked their course.
Fatigued and disappointed, Gen. Hernandez, with his little band of followers, returned to Camp Darley. In the mean time, the city of St. Augustine had been thrown into great alarm, by intelligence received through a negro, of the murder of Llenovar, at Mr. Bayar's plantation, by a party pf about 30 Indians, led by John Hicks, (son of the celebrated John Hicks, one of the signers of the treaty.) It was also stated that they were murdering the inhabitants, and laying waste the plantations in that vicinity. It may not be uninteresting to state the circumstances attending the death of Llenovar. When the Florida Militia were called into the field by Gen. Hernandez, a large portion of the men under his command, were inhabitants of Augustine, a ma- jority of whom are the descendants of persons brought from the Island of Minorca, by Dr. Andrew Turnbull, about the year 1763. These people are accustomed to labor for their support, and many of them cultivated the soil in the vicinity of St. Augustine, in this way supplying their fami- lies with provisions. Some of them, however, had esta- blished plantations, between the city and the St. John's Ri- ver, and among them w&a*he plantation of Bayar, about 12 8*
90 DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS. [cH. 5.
Murder of Llenovar.
miles from Augustine. Llenovar was an unmarried man, and a tradesman. Being obliged to take up arms in de- fence of the territory, he was forced to abandon his trade, and the cultivation of the soil by which he supported an aged mother, who was entirely dependant upon his exer- tions for a maintenance. His supply of corn being ex- hausted, he was desirous of obtaining a sufficient quantity to meet the expected emergency. He therefore resolved, with a full knowledge of the danger to which he exposed himself, to go to Bayar's, accompanied by his brother, about 15 years of age, and to bring in a load. It was, however, necessary, that he should procure the permission of Col. Jos. S. Sanchez. The Colonel, on his application, told Llenovar that he did not like to refuse him permission, but at the same time he considered it an exceedingly hazardous undertaking, and begged him to abandon his project. Lle- novar said he was determined to go, that he was not afraid of being scalped, and would return on the morrow. Col. Sanchez, rinding him determined, reluctantly assented to his going, and he started immediately in company with his brother.
On the evening of the same day, one of Bayar's negroes fled from his place to Augustine, and spread the alarm°pro- duced by his murder, as already stated. The citizens im- mediately volunteered, and formed themselves into a com- pany of mounted men, for the purpose of pursuing this par. ty. In two hours after they were apprised of the occur- rence, about thirty mounted men were on the route to Bayars, under the command of Major Smith. About six miles from the city, they met Mr. Weedman, accompanied by his family, who confirmed the intelligence respecting the death of the elder Llenovar. Young Llenovar, who fortu- tately escaped, stated that his brother and himself were loading their cart, when, without seeing an Indian, he heard the report of a rifle, and saw his brother fall, by his side. He attempted to raise him, and discovered that he was dead. In order to ensure his own safety, he ran into a palmetto scrub, near the spot. The Indians came up, .scalped his brother, set fire to the house, and threw his body into the flames, They were painted, and their bodies
0
CH. 5.] DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS. 91 Major Putnam ordered to Dunlawton.
were much disfigured. So near were the Indians to young Llenovar's place of concealment, that he heard them dis- tinctly say. that they intended to pay a visit to Mr. Weed- man that night. After some consultation, the Indians mov- ed off in the direction of Deep Creek. As soon as they were out of sight, young Llenovar fled, through the woods and bye-paths, to Weed man's plantation on the Picolata road. Mr. Weedman, without delay, very* prudently,. placed his family on horseback* and started for Augustipe^.
After an absence of five or six days at the South, Gen. Hernandez returned to Augustirfe. and being informed that a company of volunteers from Savannah, under the com- mand of Capt. Stevens, had arrived at Picolata, for the pur- pose of protecting that place — he ordered Capt. Keogh's company to be relieved by the Rifle company called the Florida Rangers, Company G. commanded by Capt. Geo. L. Phillips. Shortly after this, a communication was re- ceived from Major Putnam., stating the unsuitableness of the position which he had occupied at Barley's, for a post, and that he had fallen back upon Bulowville, a site, in his opinion, every way better calculated for the intended oper- ations of the army. He, at the same time, requested a re- inforcement, having received information that Philip's party had returned, and were committing depredations on the plantations of Samuel K. Williams, and Geo. Anderson. Capt. Keogh was ordered to repair with his company to Bulowville, and report himself to Major Putnam for duty. On the next morning, he embarked with his command. Previous, however, to this movement, despatches had been §mt to Major Putnam, directing him to send a detachment to Dunlawton, (the plantation of Geo. Anderson) and re- move with as little delay as possible, all the corn that could be found, to prevent it from falling into the hands of the In- dians, for which purpose fiats would be provided by Mr. -Anderson. On the arrival of Capt. Keogh at Bulowville, Major Putnam proceeded with the Augustine Guards, and Capt. Dummett's company, to Dunlawton, Capt. Keogh's company being left in charge of the post at Bulowville. The two companies embarked in three boats, and proceed- ed down Bulow's creek to its juncture with the Halifax ri-
92 DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS. [CH. 5.
Battle of Dunlawton.
ver, and landed in the afternoon at Dummett's plantation. Very recent traces of Indians were discovered, a quantity of lead had been cut from the sugar boilers, the household furniture had been broken up, and as much injury done to the premises as could be effected without fire. About 4 o'clock, the command re- embarked, and about two hours after dusk, overtook the flats which had been sent on the day before with provisions, in charge of Sergeant Cooper, and three or four men. They reported that they had seen a number of Indians dancing around a fire made by the burn- ing of G. & J. Anderson's dwelling house — the smoke from which had also been seen from the boats, after leaving Dummett's.
Sergeant Cooper and his men were transferred to the boats, and the whole command was ordered to approach in silence, and with the utmost caution, towards the burning buildings. It was the intention of Major Putnam to land some distance from the buildings, and to advance upon their rear, but from a misapprehension of the order by a Lieuten- ant in charge of one of the boats, that intention was frustra- ted. He having advanced directly towards the flames, the other boats were compelled to move ,up to his support.
On landing, the men were formed in the rear of the smoul- dering ruins, in a position where they were out of the re- flection of the light. A consultation was held by the offi- cers as to what course should be pursued, and it was deter- mined to march up to the Sugar House, which was distant about one mile from the river. The command had not, however, proceeded more than 150 yards, before thev came to a pen, containing cattle, which had been probably enclosed and held in readiness for an early start in the morning. This circumstance induced a change in the plan of operations, and it was agreed to divide the men equally, and to place them in two negro houses, situated on either side of the road leading to the Sugar House, and beyond the pen. It was expected that the Indians would pass these houses to get at the cattle in the morning. The men kept this position until day-light, very soon after which, the sentinel reported that he saw two Indians approach- ing. They were allowed to approach within good shoot-
CH. 5.] DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS.
93
Retreat from Dunlawton.
ing distance, when the signal was given by Capt. Dummett, firing his rifle at the foremost. They were much startled and astonished, particularly when both companies rushed out and fired upon them. One fell on the spot where he was first shot at — the other succeeded in moving off to some distance before he dropped, leaving his rifle behind him. The men were ordered immediately to extend themselves in open order, in the pine barren, and be ready to receive the enemy, who was not long in making his appearance. The Indians came down the road from the Sugar House, talking loudly, and it was supposed from their boldness that they must be in considerable force. As a thick scrub lay in the rear of Major Putnam's men, and between them and the river, they were ordered to retire beyond it to the, burnt buildings on the river side, so as to prevent the enemy from cutting off their retreat to the boats. They had not taken up their position more than fifteen minutes, when their right was fired upon by a party of the enemy, which advanced bold- ly down the canal bank, until checked by a heavy discharge. A second party now advanced directly in front through the scrub, and opened a severe fire, which was returned with in- terest. This lasted about fifteen minutes, when Major Putnam ordered his men to retire to their boats. Some got in and pushed them off, when the order to retreat was coun- termanded, as the enemy was rushing down, whooping, and flourishing their guns over their heads, as they let them off. At the call to rally, the troops immediately re- turned, with the exception of one or two, and poured upon the advancing foe so hot and deadly a fire, that he was forced to retreat back into the scrub. Shortly after, a large reinforcement to the Indians was seen coming clown the main road, headed by a chief on horseback, who was encouraging and leading them onward. The order to take to the boats was again given. The descent from the shore being very gradual,, the boats were at some distance from the landing, and were, at the time, aground. The smallest, which was built like a whaler, was left, whilst the two canoes, after some considerable difficulty, were got afloat. It was while the men were pushing them off, that most execution was done by the enemy, as it required the united strength
94 DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS. [CH. 5.
Arrival at Billow's .
of all. Independently of this, in wading out, few had taken the precaution to hold their guns over their heads, consequently, most of the locks were wet. Of the party who abandoned the whale boat, one, a negro belong, ing to Mr. Anderson, was killed in the water:" another, a white man, entered one of the canoes, and a third swam over to Pelican Island. When they had proceeded some distance from the shore, the Indians came down, dan- cing, and whooping, and performing all sorts of antics, to testify their joy. They seized the whaler, and by main strength, dragged her off, and about ten of them, getting in- to her, came out a short distance from the shore; they were immediately fired upon by such as had dry guns, which stopped them. When the savages first came out, they were seen to pick up one of the two negroes, who left the 'whale boat, without harming him.
To return to the two canoes. One of them got ashore on the point of Pelican Island, which lies directly opposite the battle ground, in the middle of the river. "The men were all obliged to jump out so as to lighten her, as the tide was rapidly ebbing. It was at this time that young Gould sprang out with the rest. It is supposed that he mistook the object of the others, for instead of remaining by the boat, he ran up the island, and no persuasion could induce him to come back. The necessity was urgent; the men could not wait for him except at their own peril; he was therefore left! Sails were hoisted, and all speed was made to overtake the other boat, which was hastening to Bil- low's creek, in order to reach his place before the'lndians. Had they not done so, the savages might easily have cut off their retreat, and slaughtered them to a man, in their pres- ent crippled condition. There were positions all along the river, where the woods stretched down to the water's edge, and where situations presented themselves admirably adap- ted for an Indian ambush.
The two canoes arrived safely at Bulow's, about 3 o'clock in the afternoon, when a party was immediately despatched on horseback down the beach, to look for Gould and Marks. They soon returned with the latter, and the negroes who had manned the flats, and taken the beach as soon as they
CH. 5.] DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS.
95
Statement of Killed and Wounded.
saw the result of the battle. Marks stated that he swam over to Pelican island, and found Gould there, whom he ad- vised to cross and take to the beach; but he would not ven- ture, having no confidence in himself as a swimmer. As soon as Marks had rested himself, he jumped overboard and swam to the beach. While there crouching under the bushes, he saw the Indians cross in the whale boat to the flats, and destroy every thing that they contained; after which, they recrossed without seeing Gould. His friends, therefore, have the satisfaction of knowing almost to a cer- tainty, that he fell not into the hands of the merciless sav- age, and though his sufferings must have been great, they were not aggravated by the refined tortures of the ruthless barbarian.
The following is a correct list of the killed and wounded, in the battle of Dunlawton:
Killed. — One negro, belonging to Mr. Anderson.
Wounded. — St. Augustine Guards — Major Putnam, Lt. John R. Mitchell, Lieut. N. C. Scobie, Sergeant Cooper, (disabled) Sergeant Domingo Martinelli, (since dead;) Pri- vates Julius Reynolds, John Simpson, Bartolo Canovas, Charles Flora, (since dead) Domingo Usina.
Capt. Douglas Dummett's Company B. — Capt. Dummett, Lieut. W. H. Williams, Sergeant Ormond,* Privates M'» Murchie and Shelden. Ben. Wiggins, a colored man, who acted as a guide, after killing three Indians, was himself se- verely wounded.
About the 20th January, despatches reached General Hernandez from Major Putnam, detailing the results of the battle of Dunlawton. The Seminoles had several men
*We are greatly indebted to this very amiable young gentleman, and to Captain John C. Cleland, (Adjutant 2d Brigade Florida Militia) for much of the information detailed in relation to the movements of Gen, Hernandez, the battle of Dunlawton, &c. These two very intelligent and gallant volunteers, now resident in Charleston, were eye-witnesses or participants in the events just narrated. Sergeant Ormond, it will be per- ceived, was wounded; his person has several proofs of his valor, and one of the balls struck so critical a spot, that it must have proved fatal, but for the fact that the Indians loaded very inefficiently, and without patches. This hypothesis is also confirmed by the case of Mr. Shelden, who was ehot in the forehead, (between the eyes) whence the ball was readily ex- tracted, by a very slight incision.
96
DMOKSTEATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS. [cH. 5,
Post at Bulowville abandoned.
killed,(about ten) and many wounded. Maj. P had.however, been compelled, from the great superiority of the enemy, to retreat, and succeeded in reaching Bulowville. His force having been so much reduced, it would* be impossible for him to do any thing more than act on the defensive, should the Indians attack him with all their strength. In ad- dition to this, his men being worn out with constant and arduous duty, had become dissatisfied; he therefore request- ed that he might either be relieved, or permitted to aban- don the post. Major Putnam was directed by General Her- nandez to maintain his position, until Col. Sanchez, with about fifty men, all the available troops at St. Augustine, should be able to reach St. Joseph's. If, however, it was no longer practicable for him to remain at Bulowville, he was directed to fallback on St. Josephs, where he would be reinforced by Col. Jos. S. Sanchez, and that they should both co-operate in protecting and saving the negroes, and other property in that quarter, from the hands of the Indians.
These orders were strictly complied with, and about the 27th January, all of Billow's, Williams', Dupont's, and Gen. Hernandez' negroes, with such other property as could be removed, were safely landed at Anastasia Island, oppo- site Augustine, where the city authorities had directed that the negroes should be located. The troops then re- tired to St. Augustine.
Gen. Games, who left his head quarters at Memphis*, (Term.) on a tour of inspection, arrived at New Orleans about the I5th January, 1836. Here ne was informed for the first time of the disturbances in Florida, and particular- ly of the massacre of Major Dade and his command. He immediately communicated with the Governor of Louisiana, and requested him to call upon and ho'd in readiness a body of volunteers for service, in subduing the Seminole Indians. He then proceeded to Pensacola for the purpose of solicit- ing the co-operation of the naval forces on that station. Ar- riving there, he found that his wishes had been anticipated. Commodores Dallas and Bolton, and Captain Webb, hav- ing already directed their attention towards Tampa Bay,
CH. 5.] DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS. 97
Gen. Gaines reaches Camp King.
and other inlets of Florida, whither they had ordered ma- rines and munitions of war.
On his arrival at Mobile, Gen. Gaines felt called upon to adopt the most prompt and decisive measures to sustain the military post within his command, and secure peace to the frontier. He therefore ordered Lieut. Col. Twiggs, to receive into service eight companies of the volunteers requested from the Governor of Louisiana, and (together with the regular force at Baton Rouge, New Orleans, and other stations in the immediate vicinity of New Orleans,) to hold himself in readiness for a movement to Tampa Bay. This order was dated at Mobile, on the 18th day of January.
On the 26th January, after visiting Pensacola, the Gen- eral returned to New Orleans. His forces were equipped and organized, and started the 4th day of February, in three steamboats. He arrived at Tampa Bay on the 9th, and on the 13th, took the field. His first movement was in the dirction of the Alafia river, but being satisfied, after two days march and reconnoitering the county, that the Indians could not be in that vicinity, he directed his steps toward Camp King. He had taken only ten days rations with him, but was under the impression that a large supply of stores had been collected at that post.
The march was continued to Fort King, passing on the 20th Feb. the battle ground of the gallant band cut off under Major Dade, where Gen. G. had the bodies of 106 heroes interred. The troops moved to solemn music around the little breastwork. The march was continued for a short distance on that day. On the 22d February, the command arrived at Camp King, and agreeably surprised the garrison of one company of artillery stationed at that post.
On his arrival at Camp King, Gen. Gaines found a very insufficient supply of stores. The next morning, the 23d, all the horses were sent to Fort Drane, 22 miles north-west, with a convoy for provisions. On the 24th, the convoy returned with all that could be procured, which was but seven days' rations. This, with two days supply found at Camp King, made up all that could be looked for from this quarter. After mature deliberation, the General determin- ed to move south by the battle ground of Clinch. 9
r»E3I0XSTRATI0ys AGAINST THE INDIANS. [cH. 5.
Gen. Gaines arrives at the Ouithlacoochee.
The General left Camp King on the 26th February, and on the 27th, at 2 o'clock, reached the right bank of the Ouithlacoochee. at the point where General Clinch crossed the river on the 31st December. From the time of leaving Tampa Bay. the same order of march had been observed, viz., the army had been divided into three columns, aright, centre, and left, being about one hundred yards distant from each other, with a strong advance and rear guard, the baggage being in rear of the centre column. In this order, the army struck the river at three points, the advanced guard as the centre being at the usual crossing place. The baggage and rear had been ordered to halt, as the General only intended to examine the crossing place. Up to this time, no conveyance had been offered, and but few antici- pated it at the Ouithlacoochee. Many of the men exposed themselves while sounding the river: suddenly, a spirited fire was opened on the left flank, accompanied by the war- whoop of the savages. The fight continued about half an hour, the enemy being on the left bank, when the General ordered the troops to encamp near the river. One man was killed, and eight wounded in this engagement.
On the 28th, the army moved down the river about two miles, where the bank was more open and less covered with thickets. The advanced guard was fired upon, and Lieut. Izard, of the IL S. Dragoons, mortally wounded. He fell, bul partially recovering himself, commanded his men, with the utmost composure, to keep their positions and lie close. After five days of suffering, he died on the 5th day of March, and was buried on the banks of the Ouithlacoochee. The fight was continued on the 28th, from 9 o'clock until 1 P. M. with little or no intermission, when the army again encamped. During this time, the Indians kept up a con- tinuous yell, except during an interval, when they retreated for a short time. The loss this day, beside Lieut. Izard, was one man killed, and Capt. Sanders, commanding the friendly Indians, and Capt. Armstrong, commanding the U. S. schr. Motto, both volunteers, wounded, the latter slightly. On the evening of this day, an express was sent to Fort Drane, to report to the officer in command, that the ene- my had been found in force, and recommending an immedi-
CH. 5.] DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS.
99
Battle on the Banks of the Ouithlacoochee.
ate movement, crossing the Ouithlacoochee some distance above, and thence to move upon the enemy's rear, which it was hoped would terminate the wrar.
On the 29th, in the morning, the enemy was silent, which the General considered as indicating an intended attack. One third of the command was kept at the breast works, and the others employed in making preparations to cross the river. About 9 o'clock, the working party was attacked, and simultaneously a fire was poured in on three sides of the camp — that next the river being the only one not as- sailed.
The fight continued more than two hours, during which time one man was killed, and three officers and thirty men were wounded. Gen. Gaines was wounded by a ball through the lip, which knocked out one of his teeth. He seemed less affected by the accident than any one in the army, the men being much attached to him by his gallant bearing and devotion. The enemy at length retired in con- fusion, and contrary to their custom, left one of their dead on the ground, after having dragged him some distance. The number of Indians was estimated at fifteen hundred.
The enemy having crossed the river, another express was sent to Fort Drane, with intelligence of the fact, and suggesting a corresponding movement; also requesting a supply of provisions. On the 2d, 3d, 4th, and 5th of March, the enemy kept firing at intervals, and our sharp shooters were employed in picking them off wherever they showed themselves In the mean time, the scanty supply of provi- sions became exhausted, and some were three days without food. In the midst of this distress, not a murmur was heard, nor a suggestion made of retreat; although, as a last resource from famine, some horses were killed, and the flesh distributed among the men.
On the evening of the 5th, a parley was requested by an Indian, stating that they were tired of fighting, and would make peace. He was directed to come in the morning with a white flag. On the morning of the 6th, at about 10 o'- clock, about 300 Indians filed out from the river, and took up a position in the rear of our army, at a distance of three hundred paces. They were armed, and our men were fully
100 DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS. [CH. 5.
Interview between Gen. Gaines and Oseola.
impressed with the belief that this movement was a mere feint, supposing the residue of their force to be in a neigh- boring hammock: and were confident of an assault from some other quarter. A period of some minutes elapsed, during which each party appeared to be awaiting the move, ment of the other. At length, one or two Indians advanced a short distance, with considerable trepidation, from the ap- prehension of being entrapped; they approached near enough to be heard, and after being joined by four or five others, came within about 200 yards, and